• Title/Summary/Keyword: Chinese characteristics

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A Difference of Social Awareness between Northern and Southern Vietnam for Corporate Social Responsibility Activities (베트남 내 기업 CSR활동에 대한 사회인식 지역비교 : 북부 하노이와 남부 호치민을 중심으로)

  • JUNG, Hye young;TRAN, Thi thuy
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.159-212
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    • 2018
  • This paper is focused on analyzing the social environment of a rapidly changing on Vietnamese company. The key analysis of this study is on the change of perception in Vietnam and the regional difference of CSR acception. The social acceptance research of CSR is centered on the comparative analysis of Korean, Japanese and Chinese companies Social Activities in Vietnam. In addition, This paper seek to way of contribute to the sustainable development of Korean companies, and its harmonious cooperation with Vietnamese society through reviewing the CSR activities and direction of their CSR expectation. In the paper, linkage analysis was conducted with the results of the study on CSR value development process in Vietnam society and analysis of social responsibility values obtained from empirical studies. Through this, finally, we trying to search the value of social responsibility in Vietnam and its future directions. When we understand Vietnam's CSR, based on 'locality' of Vietnam, Northern and Southern can be understand on its different backgrounds. And it can be analyzed by their CSR characteristics of acception. As the result of this research, In the North, Foreign companies' CSR is understanded to be viewed from the corporate economic income and distribution. In the South, there is a strong tendency to understand CSR activities of foreign companies as marketing activities. On the whole, In northern Hanoi, there was a strong expectation in terms of 'employment improvement' and 'workers' working conditions'. In the South, there was a greater interest in improving the 'quality of life of residents' and 'consumer protection'. This is due to the influence of the economic system experienced during the process of different colonization, modernization and communization between the two regions. Since the Reform and Opening of Vietnam, Social Awareness of CSR seems that the regional differences were formed by the pace of economic development and the economic environment has played a role. In particular, the social acceptance of CSR values showed a slight difference in recognition between the North and South regions, but as both regions showed common hope for 'intervention in the role of government'. Therefore, Social Awareness of Vietnam's CSR is based on relation of 'government-society' formed from the 'Communitarianism'. As foreign investment flows more, CSR awareness and expectations in Vietnam's society will increase further. And the CSR expectations of local governments and stakeholder will be more complicated. It is time to check the needs of Vietnamese society in relation to locality of the social responsibility activities.

The Cases and Patterns of Bronze Mirrors Enshrined in Pagodas during the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty (중국 오대~송대 탑 내 동경 봉안 사례와 양상)

  • CHOI, Juyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.2
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    • pp.24-48
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    • 2022
  • Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

The Concept of Tao and Ideological Characteristics in Daesoon Thought (대순사상에서의 도(道) 개념과 사상적 특징에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Jee-young;Lee, Gyung-won
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.33
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    • pp.219-255
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    • 2019
  • 'Dao' is an important research subject as it is the main term for 'ultimate reality' in East Asian religious thought. Understanding the concept of 'Dao' is essential to reach the state of 'Perfected Unification with Dao,' the ultimate aspiration in Daesoon Thought. The meaning of 'Dao' can vary such as 'Dao' meaning 'way', which was first introduced in Jinwen. There is also the 'Dao' of yin and yang, and Dao used to mean human obligation, or Dao meaning the way of Heaven. These can also be classified into five categories: Constant Dao, Heavenly Dao, Divine Dao, Human Dao, and the Dao of Sangsaeng. Every natural phenomenon of birth, growth, and death in the universe operates under the patterns of Heaven and Earth. Therefore, Constant Dao in Daesoon Thought is the ultimate pattern underlying human action and the operations of Heaven and Earth. These apply not only to the natural and the divine world but also to the human world. It can be said that 'Rather than natural law or moral symbol of the world, 'Heavenly Dao' means the great Dao that saves the world through the Daesoon Truth of Sangje, Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven. Divine Dao can be said to be 'the Dao by which man must complete his work according to the law and the will of God,' that is, 'the Dao by which God and man are united together by Sangje's heavenly order and teaching, which aims for humanity, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom.' When the world is in a state of calamity and crisis, the request for the saint's Dao can symbolized by the kings, Yao and Shun, in The Canonical Scripture (Jeon-gyeong). The saint's Dao saves the dying world and people's lives and is called 'saving lives by curing the world (濟生醫世)'. It can be regarded as a characteristic of Human Dao in Daesoon Thought, which is the human obligation to follow Sangje's order, the great Dao to save the world. The Dao of Sangsaeng is the true dharma that rectifies the world full of mutual conflict through the ethics of the Later World, which is to promote the betterment of others and to practice the human Dao that saves the world and rebuilds the Constant Dao. Thus, The concept of Dao in Daesoon Thought is Daesoon Truth which applies to and operates throughout all realms of Heaven, Earth, Humanity, and the Divine world. Dao in Daesoon Thought was influenced by the historical background in which it emerged and this can be seen in its ideological features. It embraces the traditional concept of Dao, which refers to the Chinese classics and represents the main schools of thought in East Asia: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. And it is unique in that it implies the will of Sangje as a religious object, a supreme being. It can be seen that Daesoon Thought has developed through the process of defining the concept of Dao by harmonizing both the universality and specificity of modern Korean religious thought.

Music practice by court musicians and Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 (궁중 악인(樂人)의 음악 연습과 『악장요람(樂章要覽)』)

  • Lee, Jung-hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.357-380
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    • 2021
  • Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a book that summarizes only the important contents from the Akjang 樂章. Akjang 樂章 is arranged in the first half, and score 樂譜 is arranged in the second half. It seems that Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 passed through a total of four stages through the time when the handwriting and the lyrics were written. The presence of various handwriting and traces of modifications means that it has been passed through by several people, so it is not unrelated to the fact that several traces remain on the back of the cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』. The first part of the Akjang 樂章 is a method of presenting the name and lyrics of the accompanying music based on the ritual procedure, and in particular, the lyrics are written in Chinese characters and Hangeul sounds to improve readability. The score in the second half complies with the ritual procedures, but boldly omits overlapping melodies, and is composed based on the music, and various symbols are used to capture the expression of court music. This structure is a reflection of the direction we practiced to harmonize with the music after prior ritual procedures and diction. This was a device to increase the efficiency of music education and music practice for the court musician. The characteristics of the musical pieces are that they consist of essential musical pieces that must be mastered as musicians. In addition, the name Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 is noted on the back cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』, and he was a court musician who was active in the age of King Sunjo 純祖. In other words, the musical pieces included in Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 are the core repertoire played by court musicians like Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a 'music practice booklet' containing the daily life of court musicians. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a booklet designed for the purpose of teaching the court musicians to sing while correctly pronouncing the lyrics in major ceremonies. It is even more noteworthy in that Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 was an owner. In addition to the fact that Kim Hyung-sik's name remains, and in the practicality of being used by various court musicians reflecting and modifying the changes of the times, it is meaningful in that it contains the path of court musicians who spent a lot of time and time to transmit court music.

A Research of Cultural Heritage and Business Value of the Juk-Bang-Ryeum(Fishing Instrument made-by Bamboo Weir) (죽방렴의 문화유산적 가치와 비즈니스적 가치 탐색 연구)

  • Kang, Myeong Hwa;Lee, Kyung-Joo;Kwon, Hojong;Jeong, Dae-Yul
    • Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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    • v.8 no.12
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    • pp.425-435
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the cultural value as well as business value of Juk-Bang-Ryeum(fishing instrument made by bamboo weir) by the investigation of remains in Gyeongnam Sacheon area and reviewing various historical literatures. The research will contribute to make back data necessary for the registration of World Heritage(UNESCO) and Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems(FAO). Fisheries, along with agriculture, have been great significance in human history. In particular, the Fisheries has been considered very important industry due to the geopolitical characteristics of our country surrounded by the sea. We can imagine may types of fishing practices and instruments at the agricultural age. Nonetheless, there are a few fishery heritages such as collecting and hunting tools that remains today. Fortunately, there are many Juk-Bang-Ryeum which is actually operate now from the past 500 years ago at the The Sacheon and Namhae areas. We could found some literature records about it in the historical ancient literatures. We could also infer that Juk-Bang-Ryeum was an important fishery resource of the country for a long time. It was built on the basis of scientific principles to capture fishes using the rapid tide of the natural geological straits, and it prove the wisdom of our ancestors. We also could found some unique cultural heritages that was important to the local community. Naturally, it has been managed as an important asset for the residents. In addition to such historical and humanistic values, it also has business and educational value. It can be useful to understand scientific fishery principles as well as fishery experience field. It has business value as an important tourism resource in the region in connection with historical relics and geological environment resources. In conclusion, it is a valuable asset to be handed down as a valuable cultural heritage.

Potassium Physiology of Upland Crops (밭 작물(作物)의 가리(加里) 생리(生理))

  • Park, Hoon
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.103-134
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    • 1977
  • The physiological and biochemical role of potassium for upland crops according to recent research reports and the nutritional status of potassium in Korea were reviewed. Since physical and chemical characteristics of potassium ion are different from those of sodium, potassium can not completely be replaced by sodium and replacement must be limited to minimum possible functional area. Specific roles of potassium seem to keep fine structure of biological membranes such as thylacoid membrane of chloroplast in the most efficient form and to be allosteric effector and conformation controller of various enzymes principally in carbohydrate and protein metabolism. Potassium is essential to improve the efficiency of phoro- and oxidative- phosphorylation and involve deeply in all energy required metabolisms especially synthesis of organic matter and their translocation. Potassium has many important, physiological functions such as maintenance of osmotic pressure and optimum hydration of cell colloids, consequently uptake and translocation of water resulting in higher water use efficiency and of better subcellular environment for various physiological and biochemical activities. Potassium affects uptake and translocation of mineral nutrients and quality of products. potassium itself in products may become a quality criteria due to potassium essentiality for human beings. Potassium uptake is greatly decreased by low temperature and controlled by unknown feed back mechanism of potassium in plants. Thus the luxury absorption should be reconsidered. Total potassium content of upland soil in Korea is about 3% but the exchangeable one is about 0.3 me/100g soil. All upland crops require much potassium probably due to freezing and cold weather and also due to wet damage and drought caused by uneven rainfall pattern. In barley, potassium should be high at just before freezing and just after thawing and move into grain from heading for higher yield. Use efficiency of potassium was 27% for barley and 58% in old uplands, 46% in newly opened hilly lands for soybean. Soybean plant showed potassium deficiency symptom in various fields especially in newly opened hilly lands. Potassium criteria for normal growth appear 2% $K_2O$ and 1.0 K/(Ca+Mg) (content ratio) at flower bud initiation stage for soybean. Potassium requirement in plant was high in carrot, egg plant, chinese cabbage, red pepper, raddish and tomato. Potassium content in leaves was significantly correlated with yield in chinese cabbage. Sweet potato. greatly absorbed potassium subsequently affected potassium nutrition of the following crop. In the case of potassium deficiency, root showed the greatest difference in potassium content from that of normal indicating that deficiency damages root first. Potatoes and corn showed much higher potassium content in comparison with calcium and magnesium. Forage crops from ranges showed relatively high potassium content which was significantly and positively correlated with nitrogen, phosphorus and calcium content. Percentage of orchards (apple, pear, peach, grape, and orange) insufficient in potassium ranged from 16 to 25. The leaves and soils from the good apple and pear orchards showed higher potassium content than those from the poor ones. Critical ratio of $K_2O/(CaO+MgO)$ in mulberry leaves to escape from winter death of branch tip was 0.95. In the multiple croping system, exchangeable potassium in soils after one crop was affected by the previous crops and potassium uptake seemed to be related with soil organic matter providing soil moisture and aeration. Thus, the long term and quantitative investigation of various forms of potassium including total one are needed in relation to soil, weather and croping system. Potassium uptake and efficiency may be increased by topdressing, deep placement, slow-releasing or granular fertilizer application with the consideration of rainfall pattern. In all researches for nutritional explanation including potassium of crop yield reasonable and practicable nutritional indices will most easily be obtained through multifactor analysis.

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Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming (고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전)

  • Chu Chae Hyok
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.71-82
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    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

A Study on the ' Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) of the Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본(日本) 의학(醫學)의 '절충파(折衷派)'에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.41-61
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    • 2008
  • The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai(古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period. However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up'(兼收並蓄) was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai'. Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷). Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡). Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows. First Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方)' and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan(導水瑣言)", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je(蕉窗方意解)" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)". Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong Jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言)". Third, Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang Jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei Jing(皇帝內經)" and "Nan Jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong Zong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshimasu Todo and got experience through Ouan Yue(川越) and Fu Jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) fmm famous teachers. Showhaku(倧伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and receives help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue Gu(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao(喜多村栲窻) and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衡心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵土), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) Jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正天皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the qualjty and quantity of his clinical skills. Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影)", "Wu Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "Jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影) he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking, In the first volume of "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)" and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

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A Study on the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) of the Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본(日本) 의학醫學의 '절충파(折衷派)'에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.121-141
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    • 2007
  • The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

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A Study on Personal hygiene of Primary School Students (초등학교 아동의 개인위생에 대한 조사)

  • Kim, Jae-Sam;Nam, Cbul-Hyun;Kang, Hae-Yang
    • Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.109-123
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    • 1996
  • The study was designed to gain necessary basic data, in order to grasp the actual condition on personal hygiene of primary school students and to help school health education and child health education data development of parents of students, the survery was carried out through this reporter's interview for mothers who have primary school pupil in KyungBug area during the period of a month from 14 the April to 30 the April 1994. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. 1. As for general characteristics, the percent of answer mothers with 30~34 years 44.9%, and the percent of answer mothers with 35~39 years was 37.6%, 14.6% of answer mother was 40 years and over. The most house types was apartment house, that is 64.8% and independence house was 18.9%, 13.7% of answer mothers was multivalent house residents. As for level of school career, the percent of high school was 64.2% and the percent of university was 20.5%, 10.1% of answer mothers was finishment of middle school. As for religion a lack of religion was 38.4% and a Buddhist was 36.8%, a christian was 13.4%, 10.4% of answer mothers was a catholic. As for jobs, the percent of office was 33.9%, specialist and expert skiller was 17.3%, self-management was 16.0%, fishing and agrarian villiages was 11.6%, public service personnel and shool personnel was 9.1%. As for the number of sons and daughters, the percent of two was 70.5%, the percent of one was 16.0%, and the percent of male students was 54.1%. As for level of economic life middle level was 59.9%. 2. The percentage of washing hand after school hours was 66.8% and not washing hand after school hours was 33.2%. In washing hand after school hours family of independence house, mothers that have schoolcareer of university, female students, three and over of sons and daughters was high individually (p<0.05). 3. As for paring one's nails, once a ten days was 52.9% once a five days was 22.5% once a fifteen days was 19.0%, once a twenty and over was 5.6%. 4. 54.7% of primary school students of answer mother's take a bath once a few days and 31.6% take a bath once a week, 10.1% take a bath once a tendays. 5. The percentage of changing of underwear once a day was 60.9%, once a few days was 37.1%, once a week was 2.0%, as for changing of underwear, sons and daughters that has mothers with 29 years and downward, one number of sons and daughters, females students was high individually (p<0.01). 6. The percentage of haircut once a 20~30 days was 59.9%, once a 31~40 days was 17.9%, once a 40 days and over was 16.6%. As for the percentage of haircut once a 20~30 days apartment house residents, male students was high (p<0.01). 7. The percentage of experience in taking nutrition was 79.8% and the percentage of experience in taking restorative was 72.3%. As for taking nutrition, apartment house residents, one number of sons and daughters, male students was high individually (p<0.01). As for taking restorative apartment house residents, on number of sons and daughters, male students was high individually (p<0.05). 8. The percentage of habit of unbalanced diet was 44.0%, sons and daughters that have mother with 40 years and over apartment house residents, male students, one number of sons and daughters was high indivdually (p<0.05). 9. As for hygiene condition of sons and daughters, the percentage of good state of health was 65.2%, middle state of health was 3.5% bad state of health was 11.4%. In good state of health sons and daughters that have mothers with 29 years and downward, multivalent house residents, three numbers of sons and daughters, female students, high birth was high individually. 10. As for fattness of sons and daughters, existence was 18.2%. No existence was 81.8%. in existence sons and daughters who have mothers with 40 years and downward, independence house resident, special job and expert skill job, three and over number of sons and daughters, female students, low birth was high individually. 11. As for use aspect of medical facilities of sons and daughters, hospital doctors was 53.1%, drugstore was 42.3%, chinese medicine hospitals or health organization was 4.6%. In usage of drugstore, sons and daughters of mothers with 29 years, 40 years and over was 55.6%, 61.4% individully, inusage of hospital doctors 30~34 years, 34~39 tears was 64.5%, 49.1% individully (p<0.01), apartment house residents, one or two numbers of sons and daughters, male students was high individually. In the percentage of using drugstore, school career of middle school and downward, in occupation, three and over numbers of sons and daughters, low birth was high individually (p<0.05). According to the results mentioned above. An actual condition and a related matters on personal hygiene of primary school students must be used as the basis data of a health education program and a health data of a health education program and a health data related, a teaching materials development and must be helped to the health life education of parents of students and childs.

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