• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.177-199
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• 2012

As is generally known, the sovereignty dispute over the Senkaku Islands between China/Taiwan and Japan was triggered by a report commissioned by the UN in 1968, which reported the possibility of a substantial amount of petroleum and natural gas buried in the South China Sea. When the administrative authority over the Ryukyu Islands was transferred from the US to Japan in 1972, jurisdiction over the Senkaku Islands was also transferred. A dispute ensued between China (Taiwan) and Japan over the Senkaku Islands except during the period in which formal relations were established between the two states. This paper will take a look particularly at the events that occurred in the 2000's and discuss their recent trends and aspects of the dispute. Though China and Japan agreed to joint resource development in 2008, the agreed zone was a very small area adjacent to the Korea-Japan Joint Continental Shelf Development Zone, and the points of agreement have not been implemented. China has been developing four oil fields including Chunxiao in its waters adjacent to the median line asserted by Japan. However, China also has been excluding the participation of Japan, while Japan has been strongly objecting to the unilateral development of oil fields by China. If indeed the oil fields on China's side are connected past the median line asserted by Japan, then China's unilateral development will infringe upon the potential sovereign rights of Japan, thereby violating international law.

• 동아시아경상학회지
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.24-36
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• 2018

Purpose - From establishing China-Japan diplomatic relations in 1972, the relations between two states has improved a lot, from which makes the government and the people reap much benefit. Owing to this reason, this paper aims at exploiting the impact of exchange rate volatility of RMB on China's foreign direct investment to Japan. Research design and methodology - The quarterly time series data from 2003 to 2016 will be employed to conduct an empirical analysis under the vector error correction model. Meanwhile, a menu of estimated methods such the Johansen co-integration test and the Granger Causality test will be also used to explore the impact of exchange rate volatility of RMB on China's foreign direct investment to Japan. Results - The empirical analysis results exhibit that the real exchange rate has a positive effect on China's foreign direct investment to Japan in the long run. Conversely, the real exchange rate volatility of RMB, the trade openness and the real GDP have a negative effect on China's foreign direct investment to Japan in the long run. However, in the short run, the China's foreign direct investment to Japan, the real exchange rate, the trade openness and the real GDP in period have a negative effect on China's foreign direct investment to Japan in period. Oppositely, the real exchange rate volatility of RMB in period has a positive effect on China's foreign direct investment to Japan in period. Conclusions - From the empirical evidences in this paper provided, it can be concluded that an increase in the exchange rate volatility of RMB can result in a decrease in the China's foreign direct investment to Japan in the long run. However, an increase in the exchange rate volatility of RMB can lead to an increase in the China's foreign direct investment to Japan in the short run. Therefore, the China's government should have a best control of the real exchange rate volatility of RMB so as to improve China's foreign direct investment to Japan.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.27-48
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• 2022

In the past decade, Korea and Japan have increasingly exhibited different strategic priorities in trade in face of China's rising global economic prowess and worsening US-China trade conflict. Japan's trade policy decisions have worked to reinforce its economic and security ties with the US as a means to counter China. Japan has used both bilateral and multilateral means to secure its ties with the US against China. In contrast, Korea's trade policy positions have been one of 'strategic ambiguity'. Korea has been more conciliatory towards China, reluctant to take actions that would counter China's interest. Korea has mainly resorted to bilateral channels to maintain favorable relations with both China and the US. Korea's reluctance to clearly ally with the US against China has been observed across different administrations with opposing political orientations. This paper examines Korea and Japan's diverging strategic priorities in trade through the 2017 World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference; the 2017 US imposition of Section 232 on steel; the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Korea-US FTA renegotiation and the Korea-China FTA Phase Two Negotiation; and the 2019 Japan-US Trade Agreement.

• 수산해양교육연구
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• 제27권4호
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• pp.1053-1062
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• 2015

This research assesses the implementation of the bilateral fisheries order of the China-Japan fisheries agreement. After establishment of UNCLOS, the China-Japanese fisheries agreement has played as a basis for the fisheries order in the East China Sea. The China-Japanese fisheries agreement intends that the fisheries industries in China and Japan can utilize the renewable natural resources in the East China Sea. As the EEZ of China overlaps with that of Japanese in the East China Sea, the two countries established the China-Japan Provisional Measure Zone and Middle Zone in the Sea. Even though the three coastal States (e.g. Korea, China, and Japan) in the East China Sea are involved in managing these zones, there has been little effort to coordinate each county's management. Additionally, the Taiwan-Japan fisheries agreement, which is for the area of N $27^{\circ}$, has made costal States to establish and implement united measures to conduct effective fisheries management. Regarding access to the joint fishing zone in EEZ, Chinese fisheries regulations have been enforced in the zone because the fishing capacity of China exceeds all of other countries, reducing the number of fishing licenses and catch quotas. It turned out that a nation that has authority over fisheries resources tends to establish specific conditions of fishing operations to maximize its national interest. In the China-Japan Provisional Measure Zone, Chinese and Japanese authorities have introduced united measures to manage fisheries resources. However, in the Middle Zone between China and Japan, there is no regulation on fishing; both countries' fishing vessels can have free access to the zone. Thus, it is recommended that one should introduce an international fisheries management regime for the Middle Zone. In this regard, Korea should play a leading role in establishing the international management regime because Korea has middle position in terms of geographical standpoint, the degree of dependence on commercial fishing, and its fishing capacity.

• 수완나부미
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.93-116
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• 2018

Under feudalism, besides imploring investiture, tribute is said to be one of the two most typical activities at the core of diplomatic relations between China and the region, in particular, Vietnam and Japan. By using the comparative method and interdisciplinary approach, the author shows that there are many differences between Vietnam and Japan with regards to tribute activity with China during the feudal period. For example, the start and end of China's tributary activities with Vietnam and Japan are not the same. The period of Japanese tributary activity was much more loosened than Vietnam. Vietnamese tributary relation was political, while Japan placed economic benefits as the main priority. In particular, the author also proved that although Japan and China had differences in behavior and level of dependence on the tributary activity of Vietnam, both Vietnam and Japan maintained independence and autonomy. Based on the historical, cultural, and geographical characteristics, as well as the position and force correlation of each country in relation to China, this article also explains the causes of these similarities and differences.

• 조명전기설비학회논문지
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.1-8
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• 2014

This study compared the recommended levels of illumination for housing. KS Recommended Levels of Illumination (KS A 3011) in Korea, Recommended Levels of Illumination (GB 50034-2004) in China and Recommended Levels of Illumination (JIS Z 9110) in Japan are compared. The results are as below. First, recommended levels of illumination used in Korea China Japan are suggested by different locations and activities. However, classification for application scope is set differently. There are 10 areas for classification used in Korea, 5 areas in China, and 13 areas in China. When medium levels for classification are included as classification level, total of 15 areas are used for classification in China. Second, when considering there are 15 areas of application scope in China for recommended levels of illumination, there are 7 areas that are commonly used in Korea China Japan. 7 areas include stadium, factories, hospitals, office, shopping center, houses and hospitals. Third, working surface is considered as the height for recommended levels of illumination in Korea China Japan. Korea and Japan consider all working positions, standing and sitting position, when deciding the height. However, China only considers the standing position. Fourth, application scope for recommended levels of illumination for housing are classified in 16 areas in Korea, 5 in China and 18 in Japan. Thus, the application scope for recommended levels of illumination in housing in Korea is similar to Japan. However, there are only 5 areas used in China such as living room, bedroom, dining room, kitchen and sanitary room. Fifth, recommended levels of illumination is classified in 3 levels such as Lowest-Moderate-Highest while China and Japan only have standard recommended levels of illumination. Sixth, when observing recommended levels of illumination by type of activities, Japan classified the activities in greatest detail followed by Korea and then China. Seventh, Recommended levels of illumination differs by each country.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제35권4호
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• pp.373-381
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• 2013

The Pacific Island Forum that consists of 14 island countries in the South Pacific has long been the focus of keen attention from East Asian countries such as South Korea, Japan and China. The South Pacific area was controlled by Japan right after the First World War. The League of Nations bestowed the right of trusteeship over the region to Japan, one of the victors in the war. However, the U.S. considered the area indispensible for its security interests in the Pacific after victory in the Second World War. With the end of Cold War period, the region again began to gain the competitive attention of Japan, China and Korea. Japan has made efforts to give economic assistance to this region by holding the Japan-Pacific Islands summit every three years. In addition, Japan is promoting a security engagement with this region by dispatching Self Defense Forces with the aim of initiating construction and development projects. In response to Japan's active involvement in the region, China also began to convene a summit meeting with these countries in 2006, making pledges of economic assistance. Furthermore, Chinese civilian companies struck deals of investment with municipal institutions in the region with a view to enhancing China's influence in the region. Japan's and China's active engagement in the region has galvanized South Korea to craft a more effective strategic approach to the region.

• 농촌지도와개발
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• 제25권2호
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• pp.71-83
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• 2018

This study aims to analyze the competitiveness of agricultural products in Korea, China and Japan and the effect of increasing imports from Korea and China. and then we discussed how to cooperate in the agricultural trade field between the three countries. The results are summarized as follows. First, The intra-industry trade of agricultural products was the most active in Korea and China, followed by the intra-industry trade index between Korea and Japan. The intra-industry trade between China and Japan were the lowest. Second, The mutual complementarity of agricultural products trade between Korea, China and Japan is mostly high. Among them, Korea and Japan are the highest, while Japan and China have the lowest complementarity. Third, it was found that in tariff elimination, imports of rice and meat products increased the most, while the import growth rate of green tea, meat products and ginseng increased the most. Finally, the three countries in Korea, China, and Japan can consider the way to increase the trade of agricultural products in the region by internalizing the trade of complementary items while maintaining a constant level of production of mutually competitive products.

• 한국과학교육학회지
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• 제21권5호
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• pp.924-943
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• 2001

The purpose of the study is to analyze and compare the primary science curricula of Korea, China, and Japan. Science textbooks for Korea and China and national science curriculum guides for Korea and Japan were analyzed in terms of the scope and sequence of the topics. The number of primary science topics dealt with is greatest in China, followed by Korea, then Japan. In addition to the wide range of topics, the Chinese curriculum also shows more in-depth coverage of topics. On the contrary, the Japanese curriculum has the least number of topics and shallowest depth of coverage. Korea seems to be in the middle between China and Japan. The similarities of the curricula in these East Asian countries is greatest between Korea and China. and the least between China and Japan. The similarities between Korea and Japan is somewhere in the middle. Korean primary science curriculum shows a comparatively even distribution of topics across grades. A relatively smaller number of sub-topics are introduced at each grade level, especially in the area of earth science and physics. On the contrary, in the Chinese curriculum, sub-topics tend to be concentrated at a certain grade level, thus major topics are dealt with in a grade or two. The Japanese science curriculum has fewer topics than those of the other countries, and generally one or two sub-topics appeared in a grade or two.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권3호
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

特朗普政府时期美国已表明了 "中国是美国的战略竞争者, 也是修正主义势力, 更是对美国繁荣和安全的主要挑战" 这种立场, 拜登政府也基本上继承了这种对中国的认识。中国也对此积极应对。因此, 美中战略竞争已成为当今国际体系中最重要的背景因素, 也对东北亚安全局势产生了巨大的影响。尽管如此, 观察最近韩美日三边安全合作的形成过程时我们可以发现, 尹锡悦总统上台之后韩国的对外战略调整对韩美日三边安全合作的形成起到了关键性作用。这是因为美国一如既往希望构建的韩美日三边安全合作的成败取决于韩日关系的改善, 而尹锡悦政府不顾韩国国内政治的制约因素, 果断推动了韩日关系的快速改善。随后, 在戴维营召开的韩美日三国峰会为未来三国在安全及其他更广泛领域的合作奠定了基础。中国对韩美日三边安全合作的形成提出了强烈的不满和抗议。但本文认为, 韩国虽然同意与美国和日本形成韩美日三边安全合作, 但韩国的战略目标与美国和日本的战略目标都不完全一致。比如, 回顾冷战结束之后的美日同盟发展历程, 美国与日本都对中国的崛起持有类似的看法和认识。最近几年美日同盟加强的实际目标也主要是如何应对中国的崛起。与此相反, 韩国历届政府都对韩美日三边安全合作持消极的态度。这是因为韩国想要追求的最主要的战略目标是如何减少或消除来自北韩的威胁, 而不是应对中国。面对北韩不断增强的挑衅与威胁, 过半数的韩国人支持通过加强韩美日三边安全合作来遏制或缓解来自北韩的威胁。因此, 只要北韩的核威胁与导弹挑衅持续存在, 那韩国的对外战略方向就很可能是加强韩美日三边安全合作, 以确保自身的安全与生存。所以, 如果中国想要减少韩美日三边安全合作给中国带来的战略上的压力, 最好的方案是降低北韩对韩国的挑衅和威胁, 在让北韩放弃核武器的问题上扮演更加实质性的角色。