• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.27-48
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• 2022

In the past decade, Korea and Japan have increasingly exhibited different strategic priorities in trade in face of China's rising global economic prowess and worsening US-China trade conflict. Japan's trade policy decisions have worked to reinforce its economic and security ties with the US as a means to counter China. Japan has used both bilateral and multilateral means to secure its ties with the US against China. In contrast, Korea's trade policy positions have been one of 'strategic ambiguity'. Korea has been more conciliatory towards China, reluctant to take actions that would counter China's interest. Korea has mainly resorted to bilateral channels to maintain favorable relations with both China and the US. Korea's reluctance to clearly ally with the US against China has been observed across different administrations with opposing political orientations. This paper examines Korea and Japan's diverging strategic priorities in trade through the 2017 World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference; the 2017 US imposition of Section 232 on steel; the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Korea-US FTA renegotiation and the Korea-China FTA Phase Two Negotiation; and the 2019 Japan-US Trade Agreement.

• Journal of Ginseng Research
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.210-212
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• 1990

• Proceedings of the Ginseng society Conference
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• 1990.06a
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• pp.68-70
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• 1990

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.157-169
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• 2012

China's Space Activities in 2011 (thereafter 2011 White Paper) was published by Information Office of State Council of the Peoples Republic of China on December 29, 2011, and it was the third space white paper after 2000's space white paper and 2006's space white paper. The 2011 White Paper summarizes splendid achievements China had received in space area since 2006, and systematically introduces the principles of China's space activities; at the same time, it also presents the world the policies, measures and key areas of China's space activities in the following five years. This 2011 White Paper is the most detailed, concrete, and integrated elaboration of China's space policy, and it will be the guideline for China to explore outer space with peaceful purpose in the next five years. Compared with 2000's and 2006's White Papers, the 2011 White Paper indicated that Chinese government adjusted space policies under the new circumstance. The 2011 white paper stressed China's position on use of outer space for peaceful purpose and highlighted the new idea of scientific and innovative development in space industry in the next five years.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.33-40
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• 2017

Purpose - This study attempted to discover the impact of the Korea-China FTA(Free Trade Agreement) on electronic products distribution industry. Strategies will be provided to expand both countries' trade after the Korea-China FTA. Research design, data, and methodology - This study analyzed the differences before and after the Korea-China FTA, using an RCA(Revealed Comparative Advantage) index, TC(Technology Sophistication Index) index and TSI(Trade Specialization Index) that considered the FTA tariff situation. Data was collected from the International Trade Statistics Database and Korea, China Customs Service. Results - The results indicate that following the Korea-China FTA, China and Korea's bilateral trade of electronic products is expected to expand, and both countries will experience net welfare gains from the markets' expansion. Korea is competitive in several key products, although it faces competition from China. China's electronic products' competitiveness have indicated an increasing trend. Conclusions - The two countries should closely cooperate and communicate with each other. Ultimately, Korea should focus on high-tech, sophisticated techniques to gain market advantage. On the other hand, with the tariff decrease as well as the labor cost and labor force base, China will greatly be able to benefit from the manufacturing of medium- to low-end products in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Illuminating and Electrical Installation Engineers
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.1-6
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• 2011

To compare the lighting environment of kitchen and bathrooms in the apartments in China and Korea, this research conducted a study of the current status, targeting 68 households in China and 79 households in Korea. The results are as follows. First, the Korean kitchen space is a little bigger than China's, but the height of the sink and table show no difference. China does not use local lighting in the kitchen. And Korea 40.2[%], China 65.6[%] is sink's KS based was below. In the case of the dining table, KS criteria satisfy both Korean and Chinese standards. 20[%] appear to be very feeble; urgent improvements are required. Secondly, regarding the size of the bathroom, Korea and China show similar sizes; the average height of the vanities and toilet is higher in Korea than in China by 2[cm]. China does not use local lighting in the bathroom. The levels of illumination were measured; lighting is higher in China's bathrooms compared to Korea's.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Illuminating and Electrical Installation Engineers
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• v.23 no.11
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• pp.1-8
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• 2009

To compare the lighting environment of the living rooms in the apartments in Korea and China, this research conducted a study of the current status, targeting 79 households in Korea and 68 households in China. The results are the following. First, the two nations use mostly fluorescent light as the general lighting for the living room. China, in particular, share of not using the local lighting is very high. Secondly, levels of illumination was measured. The result demonstrates that the brightness of the lighting is higher in Korea compared to China while China demonstrates higher uniformity ratio for the levels of illumination compared to Korea. However, levels of illumination in general are very low in China. Thus, it cannot be concluded that China offers favorable lighting environment. Third, study on the degree of living room lighting's brightness and satisfaction level demonstrates that they are both average in Korea and China. As for the important points for the house lighting, most Koreans cited 'brightness of the lighting' while most Chinese said 'ease of maneuvering'.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Journal of Wellbeing Management and Applied Psychology
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.1-4
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• 2020

Purpose: This research, based on the tariff reduction table negotiated by South Korea and China free trade area, the specific tariffs of the two countries in the implementation of the Korea-China Free Trade Agreement are calculated, and the global equilibrium model, the global trade analysis project (GTAP) model, is used to simulate and analyze the impact of the Korea-China free trade area on the output and trade of the two countries. Research design, data and methodology: The study conducted a survey on 2018 year GTAP 9.0data. After empirically analyzing the data, we believe that the Major industry in Korea and China will maintain its growth momentum. Results: This study shows that under the assumption that the average tariff of China and South Korea at the beginning of FTA was reduced to 20%, two scenarios were simulated. Two scenarios are simulated under the assumption that the average tariff of China and South Korea FTA will be reduced to 10%. Conclusions: This paper assumes that the average tariff of China-Korea FTA is set at 20%, 10% and zero tariff respectively in the early, middle and long term of the FTA construction. It considers the impact of China-Japan-Korea FTA on China- Korea FTA.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

This study focuses on the impact of China's system on the goals and strategies of public diplomacy for its actors and actions. In other words, China, which aims to assimilate the Western political values and systems, is special in setting the goals and strategies pursued through public diplomacy. Therefore, China often uses the historical and cultural agenda that it shares mainly in order to promote public diplomacy in the neighboring countries of Northeast Asia such as Taiwan and Korea, who have different systems. This phenomenon is an important key of explaining the vulnerability of China's public diplomacy in the face of political and security insecurity. Also, because of China's authoritarian politics and national-social relations, China can pursue efficient public diplomacy. On the other hand, however, such phenomenon provides an answer to why China's public diplomacy is not an effective buffer in the face of political and security conflicts with neighboring countries. Based on this framework, this study seeks to find answers to Why is China's public diplomacy not strong enough to ease political and security conflicts with neighboring countries?