• 국제초고층학회논문집
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.33-56
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• 2024

This paper examines China's rapid shift from low-rise to high-rise urban development, focusing on Shanghai as a case study. It provides a detailed analysis of the rapid vertical developments over the past five decades, highlighting gradual and sudden tall building changes. The study also surveys tall building development in the ten "tallest cities" across China, including Hong Kong, Shenzhen, Guangzhou, Shanghai, Wuhan, Chongqing, Chengdu, Shenyang, Hangzhou, and Nanning, while listing the tallest ten buildings in each city. The focus is on the drivers behind these towering structures: globalization, an economic powerhouse, and finance center, urbanization and population density, architectural innovation and ambition, competition and prestige, land availability and utilization, government support and planning, and tourism. The paper critically examines the sustainability of this trend in light of new Chinese policies restricting the construction of high-rise buildings exceeding 500m and 250m in smaller cities due to safety and security concerns. This prompts a reflection on the long-term viability and implications of the predominantly high-rise trajectory in urban development.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제54호
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• pp.185-220
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• 2017

본고에서는 유교의 중화사상(中華思想)을 원론적으로 탐색하고, 그에 입각하여 오늘날 동아시아 국제관계 속에서의 중국의 행태를 비판적으로 논의하였다. 중국의 '굴기(?起)'는 자신들에게는 '염원하던 꿈의 실현'이겠지만, 주변국들에게는 '새로운 위협의 등장'으로 인식되는 것이 동아시아에서의 작금의 현실이다. 중국의 주변국들은 과거에는 강대국 중국에 자발적으로 조공을 바치며 책봉을 요구했는데, 지금은 중국이 다시 강대국으로 부상하는 것에 대해 위협을 느끼는 것이다. 주변국들이 중국의 굴기에 위협을 느끼는 까닭은 중국이 문덕(文德)을 중시하던 과거와 달리 지금은 우월한 국력을 바탕으로 '패권'을 추구하기 때문이다. 그러나 중국의 패권적 행태는 동아시아의 긴장을 고조시킬 뿐, 중국의 이익에는 크게 기여하지 못할 것으로 보인다. 주변 국가들은 이미 중국의 위협에 대항해 미국과의 연합을 강화하고 있으며, 적극적으로 군비(軍備)도 확충하고 있기 때문이다. 그렇다면 중국은 '중국위협론'을 불식시키고 '초대받은 제국'으로 품위있게 굴기할 수는 없는 것일까? 중국이 품위있게 굴기할 수 있는 방법은 분명히 존재한다. 그것은 '유교적 중화사상의 본래 취지'를 되살려 중국이 '문덕(文德)의 국가, 왕도(王道)의 국가'로 거듭나는 것이다. 중국이 지속적으로 문덕을 발휘하고, 그리하여 주변국들이 그에 감복하게 될 때, 중국의 권위나 지도력이 저절로 강화될 것이다. 이것이 '중국몽(中國夢)'을 실현하는 가장 바람직한 방법일 것이다.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.197-205
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• 2010

This study examines for the processes of making a architectural significant issue of 20 cases form of Beijjng's hotel through analyzing the space composition from early the 1950's to 1992 in China. In the methods of analyzing process, We study the literatures, research reports and architectural drawings including the site survey. We hope to establish the principle in morphological characteristics and space composition of Beijing's high-rise hotels through analyzing the plan of these hotels. Finally, We find out the principles after researching. Firstly, Beijing's hotels in China faced on the being difficulties through the process of national development especially in political and economical conditions of country and peoples. Consequently, size of the Beijing's hotel developed with the fact that is complicated from that is single styles focused on the medium-sized one, modernizing popularity and the high-rise hotel buildings appeared plentifully and the form appeared with tall building putting first. Secondly, there are many immanent and interlocking styles in hotel's architectural block plans, many composition styles in big sized hotels, in opposition immanent styles in small sized ones and there are many trend of concourse style in medium sized hotels. To the layout of hotel's room inside of the linear styles are many in big and medium sized hotels.

• 농촌지도와개발
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.103-114
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to examine Japonica rice farming of China. Asian rice is divided into Japonica and Indica species. Japonica rice represents only less than 20% of Chinese rice output, but it can compete with Korea rice in both price and quality. The rise of income level has expanded the scale of production of Japonica rice in China. China’s adhesion to the World Trade Organization (WTO) has forced Chinese policy makers to face their obligations and responsibilities such as abolishing subsidies on agricultural exports. But being member of the WTO entry also helps China exercise and enhance its influential place in the global economy. Because of geographical proximity and the fact that Korea is ranked second among countries with which China still has a trade deficit, China may seek and plead for an opening of the protected Korean rice market to stabilize prices and prevent excess supply of Chinese rice. Though Korean rice farmers feel that prices are still low, Chinese rice remains far cheaper than Korean rice with the price gap is still on the rise. In anticipation of such fierce competition, Korea must carefully review its current policies and closely follow the evolution of rice production, marketing, and trade in China. This study also suggests some of the possible research using more recent data that should be conducted in the future.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.83-110
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• 2009

China's logistics industry is an growing one at a very higher rate, owing to the rapid expansion of the country's industrial base and the rise of domestic consumer markets. Essential to the development of china's economy, policy makers have paid constant attention to the logistics sector which is attracting growing volumes of both foreign and domestic investment. The inefficiencies are exacerbated by a number of factors such as transportation bottlenecks, regulatory constraints and local barriers to entry. Foreign and foreign-invested logistics companies have typically cornered the express delivery (for example DHL, FedEX), sea freight forwarding and specialized logistics services (for example Hanjin Shipping). The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the activation of Korean companies' entry into China's logistics market by studying the strategies and types for Korean companies enter into China's logistics Market.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권3호
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

特朗普政府时期美国已表明了 "中国是美国的战略竞争者, 也是修正主义势力, 更是对美国繁荣和安全的主要挑战" 这种立场, 拜登政府也基本上继承了这种对中国的认识。中国也对此积极应对。因此, 美中战略竞争已成为当今国际体系中最重要的背景因素, 也对东北亚安全局势产生了巨大的影响。尽管如此, 观察最近韩美日三边安全合作的形成过程时我们可以发现, 尹锡悦总统上台之后韩国的对外战略调整对韩美日三边安全合作的形成起到了关键性作用。这是因为美国一如既往希望构建的韩美日三边安全合作的成败取决于韩日关系的改善, 而尹锡悦政府不顾韩国国内政治的制约因素, 果断推动了韩日关系的快速改善。随后, 在戴维营召开的韩美日三国峰会为未来三国在安全及其他更广泛领域的合作奠定了基础。中国对韩美日三边安全合作的形成提出了强烈的不满和抗议。但本文认为, 韩国虽然同意与美国和日本形成韩美日三边安全合作, 但韩国的战略目标与美国和日本的战略目标都不完全一致。比如, 回顾冷战结束之后的美日同盟发展历程, 美国与日本都对中国的崛起持有类似的看法和认识。最近几年美日同盟加强的实际目标也主要是如何应对中国的崛起。与此相反, 韩国历届政府都对韩美日三边安全合作持消极的态度。这是因为韩国想要追求的最主要的战略目标是如何减少或消除来自北韩的威胁, 而不是应对中国。面对北韩不断增强的挑衅与威胁, 过半数的韩国人支持通过加强韩美日三边安全合作来遏制或缓解来自北韩的威胁。因此, 只要北韩的核威胁与导弹挑衅持续存在, 那韩国的对外战略方向就很可能是加强韩美日三边安全合作, 以确保自身的安全与生存。所以, 如果中国想要减少韩美日三边安全合作给中国带来的战略上的压力, 最好的方案是降低北韩对韩国的挑衅和威胁, 在让北韩放弃核武器的问题上扮演更加实质性的角色。

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제44권4호
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• pp.43-78
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• 2022

The arena of strategic competition between the US and China is expandable from international politics, trade and commerce to finance. What would happen if financial sanctions against China are imposed by the US? Would US financial sanctions lead to a sudden outflow of foreign capital and a liquidity crisis in China? We try to address these questions by estimating China's capital flows-at-risk with the CDS premium on Chinese sovereign funds. We follow Gelos et al. (2019) in setting up a quantile regression model from which China's foreign capital flow-at-risks are estimated. Based on our analysis of China's monthly capital flow data, we find that a rise in the CDS premium has statistically significant negative impacts on China's foreign capital flows-at-risk, mainly in banking flows. However, the analysis also found that due to favorable global conditions, an increase in the CDS premium is unlikely to trigger a shift to a sudden outflow of foreign capital at the moment. Meanwhile, this study found no statistically significant correlation between Korea's capital flows-at-risk and the CDS premium, suggesting that the negative impact of US financial sanctions on China would not increase the probability of capital flight from Korea in a significant manner.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.1-23
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• 2011

China's proposal of the CAFTA (China-ASEAN Free Trade Area) in 2001 prompted a great debate about whether China was a trade competitor of ASEAN, given their similarity in economic development levels and trade/export structures. That Beijing shifted its focus on economic cooperation from the international level to the regional level led to its proposal of the CAFTA. As the Framework Agreement (Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation between China and ASEAN) showed, Beijing's careful consideration for four newer ASEAN members (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam) intended not only to help all ASEAN members develop economically, but also to narrow the economic gap existing between them and the six old ASEAN members; in return, China was recognized as a full market economy, which it is not currently recognized within the framework of the WTO. The substantial rise in bilateral trade and the structural changes of the trade in goods between China and ASEAN member nations after 2001 proves that ASEAN benefited more from the CAFTA, particularly when the areas where ASEAN had the comparative advantages were designated as the priority cooperation areas between China and ASEAN. In sum, similarities existing in economic development levels and industrial structures between China and ASEAN made them natural economic competitors. However, closer studies of trade in goods of S1-7, S1-6 and S1-0 reveal that China acted as an increasingly complementary trade partner of ASEAN after 2001.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.183-232
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• 1999

The legislative body of The People's Republic of China, the National People's Congress, enacted the first arbitration act in China's history on August 31st, 1994, which took effect on September 1, 1995. The problems revealed through a comparison of China's Arbitration Act with the UNCITRAL model arbitration law were studied as well as the enacting process, background, status and system, important contents, problems of Chaina's Arbitration Act, and the differences between the old arbitration regulations and the new arbitration act. These are all discussed in this paper. The Arbitration Act is the basic act ruling over china's arbitration system: it unified the previously confusing laws and regulations relevant to the arbitration system, and the act brings out fundamental changes in China's domestic arbitration to the level of international arbitration standards. It is possible to view this act as a cornerstone in China's arbitration system. But, as discussed in this paper, there are still a lot of problems with the new act and only a few of the merits which the UNCITRAL model arbitration law has. First, under China's Arbitration Act, parties enjoy autonomy to some degree, but the range of party autonomy, compared to that of the UNCITRAL model arbitration law, is too narrow. Second, because China's Arbitration Act didn't explicitly provide issues which can give rise to debate, a degree of confusion in its interpretation still remains. Third, China's Arbitration Act's treatment of some important principles was careless. Fourth, in some sections, China's Arbitration Act is less reasonable than the UNCITRAL model arbitration law. These problems must be resolved in order to develop China's arbitration system. The best way of resolving these problems for China is to adopt the UNCITRAL model arbitration law. But it is difficult to expect that China will accept this approach, because of the present arbitration circumstances in China. Although it is difficult to accept all the contents of the UNCITRAL model arbitration law, China's legislators and practitioners must consider the problems mentioned in this paper.

• 한국항공운항학회지
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• 제29권3호
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• pp.111-116
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• 2021

This study aims to identify the representative factors affecting the air trade between the two countries over the past 20 years, targeting China, Korea's largest trading partner for air transport. In the analysis, the two countries' GDP, GDP per capita, and tariff rates, as well as exchange rates, international oil prices, and FTAs were used as variables. For the analysis method, OLS multiple regression analysis was performed, and each was analyzed by dividing the export amount, import amount, and trade amount. As a result of the analysis, China's GDP and Korea's GDP per capita showed a positive (+) direction, an increase in the exchange rate resulted in an increase in the amount of trade, and an increase in the tariff rate resulted in a decrease in the amount of trade. Whether the FTA was concluded or not acted as a factor in increasing the amount of trade between the two countries.