• 제목/요약/키워드: China's rise

검색결과 139건 처리시간 0.023초

희토류 자원문제 해결을 위한 모터 및 영구자석 연구개발 동향 (Trend in Research and Development Related to Motors and Permanent Magnets for Solving Rare-earth Resources Problem)

  • 이정구;유지훈;김휘준;장태석
    • 한국자기학회지
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    • 제22권2호
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    • pp.58-65
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    • 2012
  • 1983년 Nd-Fe-N계 자석이 발표된 이후 지난 20년간 많은 새로운 응용분야가 개척되었다. 모터시장과 관련해서는 자동차와 전기/전자 응용분야의 에너지절감이라는 강한 요구 때문에 그 시장이 크게 확대될 것으로 예상된다. 특히, 하이브리드/전기자동차용 영구자석 모터는 최근 크게 주목을 받고 있으며 향후 모터시장을 주도해 나갈 것이다. 하지만 이러한 친환경자동차는 약 $200^{\circ}C$ 정도의 높은 온도에서 작동한다는 심각한 문제점을 가지고 있다. 왜냐하면 Nd-Fe-B계 자석은 온도가 높으면 보자력이 급격히 감소하는 약점을 가지고 있기 때문이다. 현재로서 이러한 약점을 보완하기 위한 최선의 방법은 Dy를 첨가하는 것이다. 그렇기 때문에 Dy는 고성능 Nd-Fe-B계 자석이 높은 온도에서도 보자력을 유지할 수 있도록 해주는 필수원소가 되었다. 한편, 지구상의 희토류 자원은 지역편중이 심하고 대부분이 중국에서 생산되고 있다. 특히, Nd과 Sm 같은 경희토류에 비해 그 자원편중이 훨씬 심하고 생산량이 적어 가격이 Nd의 약 10배 정도인 Dy와 같은 중희토류의 사용량을 줄이는 기술이 관련산업에서 크게 요구되어지고 있다. 이 글에서는 이러한 희토류 자원문제 해결을 위한 영구자석 연구개발 동향에 대해 살펴보았다.

개인의 동적 역량이 조직유효성에 미치는 영향과 셀프리더십의 매개효과 : 국내 화학기업을 중심으로 (The Effect of Individual Dynamic Capabilities on Organizational Effectiveness and the Mediating Effect of Self-Leadership : Focused on Domestic Chemical Companies)

  • 원석호;박광호
    • 한국경영공학회지
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    • 제23권4호
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    • pp.49-72
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    • 2018
  • Before the financial crisis of 1997 in Korea, many industrial sectors across the country have achieved remarkable economic growth since the 1970s because of the development of large-scale equipment industries such as civil engineering, steel, construction and chemical industries. However, after the financial crisis, the economic growth rate has slowed down. Also, the global recession and the rise of China in the global business environment have led to a long-term recession in the national industry as a whole. In current economic environment, it is not easy for the companies even having excellent resources to continue its competitive advantage. Moreover, the chemical industry, which has an influence as a basic industry of other industries, misses the point of transformation into a high value-added industry, as shown in previous research. In order to meet the rapidly changing global business environment, Korean chemical companies should have a dynamic capabilities which to rapidly reallocate and consolidate the resources and capabilities they possess. The dynamic capabilities to convert, rearrange and develop the resources possessed by the company in the direction of creating high added value and to promptly search for, absorb, transform and fuse newly required capabilities and resources should be continuously applied to Korean chemical companies. It is the core competence to secure competitive advantage. In order to secure the dynamic capabilities of the company, the dynamic capabilities of individual employees should be strengthened and employees should be able to demonstrate their own leadership so that they can proactively work and self-manage in a positive direction. Previous studies have focused mainly on the dynamic capabilities of firms. However, the competence of the human resources that make up the enterprise leads to the capabilities of the enterprise, and the human resources themselves are also important corporate resources. This paper focuses on the dynamic capabilities of individuals and strives to clarify the causal relationship between dynamic capabilities, self-leadership, and organizational effectiveness which have direct or indirect effects on management outcome. The reasons for choosing the chemical industry are based on the fact that a domestic chemical companies are in a long-term recession, and they lacks a innovation and value creation capabilities. Also, chemical industry has a large impact on the national economy.

1990년대 이후 한국경제의 성장: 수요 및 공급 측 요인의 문제 (The Economic Growth of Korea Since 1990 : Contributing Factors from Demand and Supply Sides)

  • 허석균
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • 제31권1호
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    • pp.169-206
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    • 2009
  • 본 연구는 1990년대 이후의 한국경제의 성장패턴을 이해하기 위한 노력의 일환이다. 이를 위해, 본 연구에서는 Blanchard and Quah(1989)가 제시한 바와 같이 장기제약식하의 구조적 벡터자기회귀추정법(Structural Vector Auto Regression: SVAR)에 의거하여 우리나라의 경제를 오늘에 이르게 한 다양한 충격들을 식별하고 각각의 상대적 기여도를 구분하고자 하였다. 보다 구체적으로는 Blanchard and Quah의 2-변수 모형과 이를 확장한 3-변수 모형, 그리고 New Keynesian류의 선형모형을 변형시킨 두 개의 모형을 분석하였다. 특히, 후자의 두 모형은 1997년 외환위기 이후 있었던 외환시장체제(고정환율제도에서 변동환율제도)와 통화정책기조(통화총량제에서 물가목표제)의 변화를 반영하도록 구성되었다는 점에서 의의를 갖는다. 이러한 각 모형으로부터의 추정 결과를 충격반응 및 예측오차분해 분석의 형식으로 정리 비교한 결과 다음과 같은 두 가지 공통점을 발견할 수 있었다. 첫째, 경제성장률의 변동은 생산성의 충격에 주로 기인하며, 이와 같은 경향은 2000년대 이후 더 강해진 것으로 보인다. 이는 2000년대 이후 우리 경제의 성장이 잠재성장률과 밀접한 관계를 갖고 있음을 시사한다. 둘째, 2000년대 이후 충격반응의 크기나 지속성이 전반적으로 줄어드는 경향이 있다. 무역의존도가 높은 우리 경제상황에 비추어 2000년대의 전 세계적인 저(低)금리, 저(低)인플레이션 및 견실한 성장세, 그리고 중국경제의 부상이 자본 및 수출 수입 수요의 안정적인 확보를 도모하여 특히 각 부문 충격이 경제에 미치는 영향을 반감시켰을 개연성이 있다. 분석에 사용된 모형과 식별에 사용된 충격의 다양한 조합에도 불구하고 위의 두 가지 패턴은 일관되게 관측되고 있음에 비추어 볼 때, 2000년 이후 우려되고 있는 우리나라의 경제성장률 저하 현상은 잠재성장률 하락에 주로 기인하는 것으로 판단된다.

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上海博物館蔵戦国楚竹書 《容成氏》 の古帝王帝位継承説話研究 (A Critical Study of the Legend on the Chinese Ancient Dynasty's Succession before Yao-Shun Era : Focusing on the Rongchengshi in the Shanghai Bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chuzhushu(II))

  • 李承律
    • 대순사상논총
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    • 제17권
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    • pp.197-225
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    • 2004
  • The respective history of the Chinese Ancient Dynasties from the era of the ancient Emperors to the revolutionary era of Yin-Zhou殷周 was described in the Rongchengshi容成氏, one of the texts in Shanghai Bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chuzhushu(II)上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書(二) discovered in 1994 at an antique market in Hong Kong. Drawn from the historical explanations expressed in it, the anonymous author's own views on history could be observed as largely being composed of 'resignation'禪讓, 'usurpation'簒奪, and 'banishment/smite'放伐. Following the advent of the recently excavated bamboo slips of Rongchengshi, a careful reconsideration is urgently needed to the established interpretation on the origin of the ritual of resignation in the relevant academic circles. Because it shows us that the ritual of resignation as a way of the succession, judging from my analysis, was already realized by Nine Emperors('Rongchengshi', Zunlushi尊盧氏, Hexushi赫胥氏, Gaoxinshi高辛氏, Cangjieshi倉頡氏, Xuanyuanshi軒轅氏, Shennongshi神農氏, 渾沌氏, and Baoxishi包羲氏 and maybe the more) before the era of 'Yao-Shun'堯舜. Accordingly, the aforementioned fact, which has never been elaborated in the previous texts including the first Chinese historiography Shiji史記, is the only peculiar feature to the Rongchengshi itself. Thus, a simple but empirically important question could be raised here: Was this way of description an exceptional case, even as unaccepted in Warring States Period at that time? If then, the Rongchengshi could not but help being evaluated merely as a buried historical texts, without any influence on the ancient Chinese, along with its author. The Chu bamboo slips Tangyu zhi dao唐虞之道 from Guodian Chujian郭店 excavated in 1993, however, has a very similar content to the Rongchengshi in relevance to the historical existence of the ritual of resignation. From the sentence, expressed in Tangyu zhi dao, that "the sudden rise of 'Six Emperors'六帝 was due to the practice of resignation like the period of Yao-Shun", it could be easily presumed that the 'Six Emperors' was closely connected to the 'Nine Emperors' and maybe the more at that time. Comparing with the related extant literary texts and the excavated materials in a vigorous way, in this paper, I explore four significant questions from a more critical stand to the conventional studies. First of all, I explicate the distinctiveness of the Rongchengshi as an academically very precious materials. Secondly, and closely related to the above, I evaluate its status or significance in the history of the Chinese ancient thoughts. And thirdly, I make an endeavor to trace back to the date of its transcription. Finally, and the most crucially, I attempt to show what Schools it was originated from and what connections it had with the Schools in the acient China. In sum, some concluding remarks, having somewhat insightful and significant implications for the further studies in these issues, could be drawn from my exploration. Viewing from the historical perspective of thoughts, at first, the legend of Ancient Dynasty's Succession before Yao-Shun Era in the Rongchengshi had some interactions directly and closely with Zhangzi莊子, Muzi墨子, Guanzi管子, Xunzi荀子 and Tangyu zhi dao. Also in doing search for the unification in a transitional epoch from the late to the end of the Warring States period, the political stand of Shi士 and Ke客 was reflected in it as well as in the Tangyu zhi dao because they actively wanted to suggest the most appropriate model of the Emperor or the idealistic succession process and political realms.

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자연기반해법의 에너지원으로서 P-MFC 활용을 위한 연구경향 분석 - VOSviewer를 활용한 동시 출현단어 분석 중심으로 - (Analysis of research trends for utilization of P-MFC as an energy source for nature-based solutions - Focusing on co-occurring word analysis using VOSviewer -)

  • 권미리;반권수
    • 한국습지학회지
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    • 제26권1호
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    • pp.41-50
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    • 2024
  • 식물 미생물 연료전지(P-MFC)는 식물과 근계의 미생물 군집에서 전기를 생성하는 바이오매스 활용 에너지 기술로 지속가능한 환경을 고려하는 자연기반해법의 적정기술이다. 국내 수변공간에 적합한 P-MFC 기술 개발을 위해서는 국제적인 연구 동향에 대한 분석이 선행되어야 할 필요가 있다. 이에 따라 본 연구에서는 Web of Science에서 조회되는 P-MFC 관련 연구논문 총 700편을 대상으로 동시 출현단어 분석 프로그램인 VOSviewer을 사용해 핵심 키워드를 도출하고 연구 동향을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 첫째, P-MFC 관련 연구는 1998년부터 지속적으로 증가하고 있으며 특히 2010년대 중후반부터 크게 증가 추세에 있다. 국가별 논문 투고 수는 '중국'-'미국'-'인도' 순으로 가장 많았으며 2010년대 이후 P-MFC에 관해 관심이 커지기 시작해 수변공간과 습지 환경이 풍부한 필리핀, 우크라이나, 멕시코 등의 나라에서도 게재 수가 늘어나고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 기간별 연구 경향의 경우, 1998년~2015년에는 다양한 환경에서 미생물 연료전지의 성능 검증에 대한 연구가 주를 이루었다. 2016년~2020년에는 미생물 연료전지 사용의 구체적인 조건, P-MFC의 구조 및 발전 방식과 관련된 연구가 주를 이루었다. 2021년~2023년에는 P-MFC 발전 과정의 제약 요소와 효율성 향상을 위한 구체적인 연구가 주로 진행되었다. 본 연구를 통해 파악된 P-MFC 관련 국제적 연구 동향은 향후 국내 수변공간에 적합한 기술 개발 시 유용한 자료로 사용될 수 있을 것이다. 향후 본 연구 외에 세부 분야별 연구 동향 및 수준에 대해서도 추가적인 연구가 필요하며 국내에서 P-MFC 기술의 발전과 활성화를 위해서는 현장 적용성에 대한 연구 확대와 정책, 제도적 개선도 병행되어야 할 것이다.

북한 공역의 통일 후 지위 (The Status of North Korean Airspace after Reunification)

  • 권창영
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제32권1호
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    • pp.287-325
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    • 2017
  • 20세기 이후 항공우주 군사과학기술의 발달과정에 비추어 보면, 국가의 존립과 번영을 위해서 하늘은 매우 중요하다. "하늘을 지배하는 자, 세계를 지배한다!"는 격언이 제공권(制空權)의 필요성을 강조하고 있다. 이 글은 남북의 통일 과정과 통일 이후 공역(空域, airspace)의 지위에 관한 최초의 연구로서, 이를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 영공(領空)은 영토와 영해의 상공으로 국경선과 영해선에 의하여 그 수평적 범위가 결정된다. 국경문제에 관하여 역사적 진실규명을 통한 재조정의 시도보다는 현질서의 수용이 가장 합리적이고, 통일전후과정에서 인접 국가의 지지를 받을 수 있으며, 동북아 평화를 위해서 통일한국은 북한과 중국 러시아 사이의 기존 국경협정을 그대로 존중할 필요가 있다. 그러나 현재 북한이 동해 황해에 설정한 직선기선은 국제법상 직선기선이 적용될 수 있는 사정을 갖추지 못하였기 때문에 이를 폐기하고, 통일한국은 국제법에 부합하는 기선을 다시 정하여 그 바깥쪽 12해리의 선까지에 이르는 수역을 영해로 결정하는 것이 바람직하다. 둘째, 비행정보구역(Flight Information Region)은 항공기의 안전하고 효율적인 비행과 항공기의 수색 구조에 필요한 정보를 제공하기 위하여 국제민간항공기구(ICAO)에서 획정한 구역이므로 국제법상 효력이 있다. 현재 한반도 일대에는 남한이 관할하는 인천 FIR과 북한이 관할하는 평양 FIR로 나누어져 있다. 급변사태가 발생하여 북한에서 일시적으로 평양 FIR의 관제권을 행사할 수 없는 경우에는 원칙적으로 남한이 평양 FIR의 관제권을 행사하고, 부득이한 경우에는 ICAO가 일시적으로 이를 행사하는 것이 바람직하다. 통일한국에서는 FIR의 체계적 관리와 통제, 항로개설 관리의 효율성 등을 감안하여, ICAO의 승인을 얻어 평양 FIR을 폐지하고 인천 FIR로 통합하여 운용하는 것이 바람직하다. 셋째, 방공식별구역(Air Defense Identification Zone)은 국가안전보장 목적상항공기의 용이한 식별, 위치 확인 및 통제가 요구되는 공역으로서, 해당 국가가 일방적으로 설정한다. 미국은 1951. 3. 22. 전시포고령에 의하여 한국방공식별구역(KADIZ)을 일방적으로 설정하였는데, 국방부는 2013. 12. 8. 이어도 상공을 포함하는 지역까지 확장한 새로운 KADIZ를 선포하였다. 현재 북한의 군사경계수역은 동해 황해 등 해상경계선으로만 설정되어 있는 점, 중국 러시아와의 관계에서 ADIZ로서 기능을 수행하기에 부족한 점에 비추어 보면, 통일한국이 이를 승계할 의무는 없다. 한반도의 경우에는 종심(縱深)이 짧기 때문에 영공보다 외곽에 ADIZ 경계선을 설정하여야 ADIZ 본래 목적을 달성할 수 있으므로, 통일한국의 인천 FIR과 일치하는 경계선으로 통일한국의 KADIZ를 새로 설정하여 이를 선포하는 것이 타당하다. 다만, 인접국가의 ADIZ와 중첩되거나 경계선을 같이하여 완충지역이 존재하지 않는 경우에는 군사적 긴장감이 고조될 수 있으므로, 동북아 평화를 위해서는 상호간 협상을 통하여 해상에서는 인접국가의 ADIZ 사이에 완충공간을 설정하는 것이 바람직하다.

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서비스지배논리하에서 가치공동창출 매커니즘과 기업성과간의 관계에 대한 연구 (Understanding the Relationship between Value Co-Creation Mechanism and Firm's Performance based on the Service-Dominant Logic)

  • 남기찬;김용진;임명성;이남희;조아라
    • Asia pacific journal of information systems
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    • 제19권4호
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    • pp.177-200
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    • 2009
  • AIn the advanced - economy, the services industry hasbecome a dominant sector. Evidently, the services sector has grown at a much faster rate than any other. For instance, in such developed countries as the U.S., the proportion of the services sector in its GDP is greater than 75%. Even in the developing countries including India and China, the magnitude of the services sector in their GDPs is rapidly growing. The increasing dependence on service gives rise to new initiatives including service science and service-dominant logic. These new initiatives propose a new theoretical prism to promote the better understanding of the changing economic structure. From the new perspectives, service is no longer regarded as a transaction or exchange, but rather co-creation of value through the interaction among service users, providers, and other stakeholders including partners, external environments, and customer communities. The purpose of this study is the following. First, we review previous literature on service, service innovation, and service systems and integrate the studies based on service dominant logic. Second, we categorize the ten propositions of service dominant logic into conceptual propositions and the ones that are directly related to service provision. Conceptual propositions are left out to form the research model. With the selected propositions, we define the research constructs for this study. Third, we develop measurement items for the new service concepts including service provider network, customer network, value co-creation, and convergence of service with product. We then propose a research model to explain the relationship among the factors that affect the value creation mechanism. Finally, we empirically investigate the effects of the factors on firm performance. Through the process of this research study, we want to show the value creation mechanism of service systems in which various participants in service provision interact with related parties in a joint effort to create values. To test the proposed hypotheses, we developed measurement items and distributed survey questionnaires to domestic companies. 500 survey questionnaires were distributed and 180 were returned among which 171 were usable. The results of the empirical test can be summarized as the following. First, service providers' network which is to help offer required services to customers is found to affect customer network, while it does not have a significant effect on value co-creation and product-service convergence. Second, customer network, on the other hand, appears to influence both value co-creation and product-service convergence. Third, value co-creation accomplished through the collaboration of service providers and customers is found to have a significant effect on both product-service convergence and firm performance. Finally, product-service convergence appears to affect firm performance. To interpret the results from the value creation mechanism perspective, service provider network well established to support customer network is found to have significant effect on customer network which in turn facilitates value co-creation in service provision and product-service convergence to lead to greater firm performance. The results have some enlightening implications for practitioners. If companies want to transform themselves into service-centered business enterprises, they have to consider the four factors suggested in this study: service provider network, customer network, value co-creation, and product-service convergence. That is, companies becoming a service-oriented organization need to understand what the four factors are and how the factors interact with one another in their business context. They then may want to devise a better tool to analyze the value creation mechanism and apply the four factors to their own environment. This research study contributes to the literature in following ways. First, this study is one of the very first empirical studies on the service dominant logic as it has categorized the fundamental propositions into conceptual and empirically testable ones and tested the proposed hypotheses against the data collected through the survey method. Most of the propositions are found to work as Vargo and Lusch have suggested. Second, by providing a testable set of relationships among the research variables, this study may provide policy makers and decision makers with some theoretical grounds for their decision making on what to do with service innovation and management. Finally, this study incorporates the concepts of value co-creation through the interaction between customers and service providers into the proposed research model and empirically tests the validity of the concepts. The results of this study will help establish a value creation mechanism in the service-based economy, which can be used to develop and implement new service provision.

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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