• 제목/요약/키워드: China's diplomacy

검색결과 49건 처리시간 0.022초

21세기 중국 국가이미지의 형성과 전파 (The Propagation and Construction of China's National Image in $21^{st}$ Century)

  • 왕웨이민;최연
    • 디지털융복합연구
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    • 제9권3호
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    • pp.47-58
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    • 2011
  • 중국의 국제적인 위상이 높아짐에 따라 국가이미지를 능동적으로 형성하고 이를 국제적으로 홍보 내지 전달하는 것(이를 '국가이미지의 전파'라고 한다)은 '소프트파워'로서의 중국의 위상을 나타내고 '중국위협론'을 타파하며, 국제사회에서의 발언권을 획득하는데 있어서 중요한 방식이다. 본고에서는 우선 국가이미지의 기본개념과 관련이론에 대하여 논의하고 나아가 중국의 '책임있는 대국'으로서의 이미지의 포지셔닝과 함의를 탐색하여 중국 국가이미지 형성을 위한 '입체적 커뮤니케이션'의 대안을 제시하고자 한다. 아울러 '입체적 커뮤니케이션'수단으로 뉴미디어 커뮤니케이션, 광고 커뮤니케이션, 국제적 스포츠 경기 및 중대한 국제적 사건의 마케팅, 공공외교와 공공관계의 발전을 제시하고 있다.

Nostalgia in the Context of "the Belt and Road Initiative": An Analysis of a Chinese Documentary: Maritime Silk Road

  • Gu, Zhun
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • 제17권1호
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    • pp.112-129
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    • 2018
  • Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

중국의 군사적 부상과 역내 해양안보 - 주변국의 전략적 대비 및 유사를 중심으로 - (China's Military Rise and Regional Maritime Security - Its Neighbors' Strategic Calculations and Various Contingencies -)

  • 김태호
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권33호
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    • pp.113-147
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    • 2014
  • While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.

한국(韓國) 기업(企業)의 대중국(對中國) 투자(投資) 전략(戰略)에 관한 연구(硏究) - 부산(釜山) 지역(地域) 기업(企業)을 중심(中心)으로 - (Study on the strategy of investment in China of Korean Enterprises - Focused on the enterprises in Pusan -)

  • 박흥주
    • 경영과정보연구
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    • 제1권
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    • pp.333-362
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    • 1997
  • Since the profess of the reformation and opening Policy in 1978, China has been outstandingly developed its economy and increased the real scale of its economy 4 times as big as before, and is expected to rise as a superpower holding in check U.S.A even in economy as well as politics, military affairs and diplomacy in the 21st century. In this position, China has constantly tried to join WTO since 1986, as an effort to gain a status in the international society. It hsa been making various economic reformations to provoke a crustal movement in its own economy such as tariffs lowering measurement for the almost whole items, remove of restriction of import items, lowering the refunding rate of over deposit tax and annihilation of the special treatments for the foreign investment. In short, recently Chinese government is cutting down the special treatments for the foreign capital enterprises and changing the policy to the direction of gradually reinforcing the control, so it requires that our enterprises trying to advance and invest in China have to consider these carefully. Investment in China of our enterprises become serious since 1990 is focused on such labor intensive industries as textiles, sewing and shoes which lost the competitive power due to the wage increase. Particularly, Pusan economy having played the role of locomotive for Korean economy in the past developing period has been weakened in the competitiveness and not yet activated in 1990s. In terms of this, the enterprises engaged in such typical industries of Pusan as shoes, textiles and sewing have borne much fruit from the investment in China with abundant and cheap labors. However, from a few years the enterprises in Pusan invested in China due to the cheap labors and rich resources and invested in China have suffered much troubles and failures more and more resulted from the advancement without sufficient previous knowledge and information related to the investment including investment environment. Therefore, at the time of advancement in China, Korean enterprises should make their decision related to the investment, after taking these investment environment into account previously to a full extent and making an investment strategy.

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중국 일대일로(一帶一路)정책에 따른 연운항항(連雲港港)의 발전 전략에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Development Strategies for China Lianyungang Port under One Belt One Road Policy)

  • 장락;신한원;송효명
    • 수산해양교육연구
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    • 제28권6호
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    • pp.1695-1705
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    • 2016
  • With the rapid development of global economic and trade, the ports in the North-east Asia region have developed greatly. In such a fierce competition, how to ascertain right evaluation methods to assess the competitiveness of the ports, and make scientific and rational development strategy for upgrading the overall level of competitiveness of ports in North-east Asia, has become the first task for all the ports for coping with the challenges. As China's sustained economic growth of more than 30 years, the economic power and comprehensive national strength has been changed, China's international status has been greatly improved. Also China has achieved remarkable new results in the construction of peripheral diplomacy, and further has consolidated the relationship of countries along the Silk Road Economic Belt. The strong position of RMB in foreign exchange market and the implementation of the strategy of "area" opening to the outside world accelerated economic belt along the silk road in China to the west open pace. On the basis of the SWOT analysis of the Lianyungang Port, combined with the comprehensive and practical port competitiveness evaluation indicators system and competitiveness evaluation method, calculate the competitiveness level of Lianyungang port in East China, and find out the problems must be solved. The development strategies for Lianyungang port under One Belt One Road were suggested.

미중관계의 전개와 현안문제 및 시사점 (The Development of the U.S.-China Relationship, Pending Issues and Implications)

  • 김강녕
    • 한국과 국제사회
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    • 제2권2호
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    • pp.89-130
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    • 2018
  • 본 논문은 '미중관계의 전개와 현안문제 및 시사점을 분석하기 위한 것이다. 초기 및 적대적 대결기의 미중관계, 미중접근 관계정상화기 및 1980~90년대 미중관계, G2시대 개막후 2010년대 중반까지의 미중관계, 트럼프-시진핑시대의 미중관계와 주요현안과 시사점을 살펴본 후 결론을 도출해본 것이다. 지난 30여 년간의 중국의 급속한 성장은 기존의 미국중심의 단극적 국제질서를 변화시키며 양국간의 경쟁을 촉발시키고 있다. 미국과 중국은 전략 경제대화'를 정기적으로 개최하는 유일한 국가가 되었고, 주제 역시 양자간의 관계뿐만 아니라 글로벌 이슈까지 논의하는 나라로 발전해왔다. 미중협력 갈등의 현안문제는 양국관계는 물론 글로벌 이슈를 망라하고 있다. 예컨대 남중국해, 북핵과 사드, 통상 금융질서, 대만문제 등이 바로 그것이다. 미중갈등은 남의 일이 아니라 한국의 외교 안보 경제에도 직결되는 문제이다. 우리는 미중관계에 있어서 '코리아 패싱(Korea passing)'이 나오지 않도록 튼튼한 한 미 안보공조관계를 유지 강화해 나가는 한편, 한 중 경제협력관계도 조화롭게 추진해 나가는 헤징전략이 요구된다.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 - (A Study on the necessity and Effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia: Focused on Korean perspective)

  • Kim, Jaekwan
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.63-87
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    • 2020
  • This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

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김정은 정권의 선핵(先核) 정치와 한국의 억제전략 (Nuclear-First Politics of Kim Jung Un Regime and South Korea's Deterrence Strategy)

  • 김태우
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권39호
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    • pp.5-46
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    • 2016
  • North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

"한객치험(韓客治驗)"에 기재된 의안 연구 (A Study on the Medical Records presented in "HanGaekChiHeom")

  • 서근우;오준호;서지연;김태은;홍세영;윤성익;차웅석;김남일
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제19권4호
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    • pp.62-69
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    • 2006
  • "HanGaekChiHeom" is a book that arranged the medical records left by a Japanese doctor Junso Higuchi who treated a group of diplomats from Chosun and questions and answers exchanged between him and Chosun's doctor ChoSoongSoo. There are 14 kinds of medical records here with treatments and prescriptions as well as the detailed descriptions about the name, age and symptoms of patients. Various diseases and symptoms are included among them such as bums, common cold, skin diseases, edemas, etc. The characteristics of Junso Higuchi seem to be affected by medicine in Ming Dynasty in China.

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중국문헌을 통해본 중세 동남아의 불교문화(II) (Some Views for the Buddhist Culture of Southeast Asia at Middle Ages through the Chinese Description (II))

  • 주수완
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2012
  • This essay is for a study on the survey of buddhist cultural literary document about the Southeast Asia by Nanqishu(南齊書), Liangshu(梁書), Chiu T'angshu(舊唐書), Hsin T'ang shu(新唐書) which are included in the Chinese Official History and Jí-shénzhōu-sānbăo-găntōng-lù(集神州三寶感通錄), Weioshu Shilao Ji (魏書 釋老志). These documents allows us to imagine next some historical states. First, these documents are recording this area, especially Funan, as a plentiful diggings of gold, silver, tin, copper, etc. These are important materials for gilt bronze sculptures. Further, this local produced gold called 'Yangmai(楊邁)' is recognized as same as Zĭmòjīn(紫磨金) in china, and these documents explains the process of producing the bronze images and golden ornaments in Southeast Asia. Specially, this plentiful materials leads them to make a 10 wei(圍) tall golden-silver image which worshiped as hindu god or sometimes buddhist images. Second, Vietnam and Funan in Northern and Southern Dynasty periods were in antagonistic relationship not only in the political but also in religious between Vietnamese Hinduism and Funan's Buddhism. Under this situation, the monk Nagaxian(那伽仙) who had came from India was accredited to Southern Qi court as a delegate to build a good relationship by the common religion Buddhism. It means the Buddhism of Southeast Asia also took a role of diplomacy. Third, these documents proved the active Southeast Asian cultural exchange in early 3th century. At this time, Funan delegate Suwu(蘇物) visited the court of Kushan Dynasty in India and he is seemed to travel the city of Pātaliputra. It oppressed us to extend our outlook which have been restricted in the relationship between Southern india and Southeast Asia to more broaden area. In addition, the buddhist art of Southern India and Bodhgaya temple was imported to Southeast Asia directly to send to Southern China. For example, the wooden buddha image, Bodhgaya stupa image, and Sri Lanka style's buddha images are looked be introduced to Southern China at this time throughout the Southeast Asia. At last, we got to know that the court music of Kucha in the northern silk route was imported to the Southeast Asia in early middle age. Even it may be introduced by China, but this document is very important to make the surmise is not unreasonable that the buddhist culture of northern silk route imported to the Southeast Asia accompanied with Kucha music. The buddha images in Gandharan style which are excavated from some site of Southeast Asia may demonstrate this literary sources is authentic.

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