• Korea Trade Review
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.285-299
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• 2019

The 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)' initiative, which was promulgated as part of the enlargement policy along with the advent of Xi Jinping in 2013, is a policy to expand China's political and economic power externally through linkages with neighboring countries. China's overseas port investment plays an important role in the promotion of the 'OBOR' policy from the coast of China through maritime transportation routes from S.E Asia to Mediterranean and Europe. Since China's overseas port investment has been made from several factors such as political, economic, and military motives, it differs in purpose and character from investments made by private companies, such as Global Port Operators(GTO) which consider profitability first. This study aims to address future prospects and implications by analyzing the geopolitics of China's overseas port investment under the 'One Belt One Road' initiative. According to the results, China's overseas port investment is dominated by state-owned enterprises and political and security factors are more important than profitability. China's overseas port investment has been on a large scale in a short period of time, and China has faced with various problems both domestically and internationally. such as debt default, environmental problems, subordination problems from recipient countries and political and military confrontation with great countries such as United States, Japan and India etc.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.55-79
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• 2013

The objective of this article is to explore the economic relationship between China and the surrounding dynamic Asian economies. It delves into China's influence over the Asian economies and whether this relationship is a market-led or de facto symbiosis. The three principal channels of regional integration analyzed in this article are trade, FDI and vertically integrated production networks. They are essentially based on the activities of the private-sector in these economies. China methodically expanded and deepened its economic ties with the regional neighbors. At the present juncture, China's integration with the surrounding Asia is deep. Another issue that this article explores is the so-called China "threat" or "fear" in Asia. It implies that China is crowding out exports of the other Asian economies in the world market place. Also, as China has become the most attractive FDI destination among the developing countries, it is apprehended that China is receiving FDI at the expense of the Asian economies. These concerns were examined by several empirical studies, and the inference is that they are exaggerated. This article concludes that the private-sector business activities in China and other rapidly growing Asian economies were (and are) instrumental in bringing together the production structures and real economies. The result is both convergence and integration among the dynamic Asian economies. Over the years China and its Asian neighbors has developed a close and symbiotic economic relationship and a de facto regional integration.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.82-108
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• 2023

As tension escalates between the US and China, scenarios for maintaining peace in Northeast Asia imply that secondary powers will perceive increasing incentives to reappraise their respective international roles. This analysis proposes that an analysis of France's Cold War role in Europe and the world under President Charles de Gaulle provides insights into conflict management in an increasingly multipolar international political environment. Their respective interests in preventing a so-called new Cold War emerging between the US and China include avoiding its excessive economic costs, if only because China is a massive trade partner. This study engages in theoretical framework-informed process tracing of de Gaulle's role. It explicates the assumptions that functionally underpinned de Gaulle's policy of soft balancing between the US and China. The analysis explores de Gaulle's contribution to the decay of the Cold War. It illuminates de Gaulle's contribution to a regional international environment that made West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik strategy more feasible politically. This study applies these findings in the formulation of strategy recommendations focusing on Japan. Valid inferences regarding the predominant motivations driving American and Chinese international interaction are necessary for this task. To the extent to which the US and China have entered into a conflict spiral, Japan's hedging towards Washington is further incentivized. Tokyo would necessarily need to convince the Chinese that Japan is no longer Washington's unsinkable aircraft carrier off its coast. Tokyo, like de Gaulle's France, would maintain close relations with Washington, but it would need to project to its interlocutors its commitment to its own strategic autonomy. Tokyo's emphasis on closer relations with liberal democratic Indo-Pacific actors would potentially fit well with a commitment to strategic autonomy to defend the global liberal order.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.137-156
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to analyze types of roles and fashion of the Chinese first ladies and provide basic data for fashion image-making of first ladies. As for the research methods, the concepts, role types, and fashion of the first ladies were considered by referring to the precedent studies and relevant literature. Then, the fashion images according to role types were analyzed by collecting the photos of Chinese first ladies from the period of the Republic of China until today. The results were as follows: First, when the roles of Chinese first ladies were categorized based on ceremonial, political, and policy roles, Zhuo Lin and Wang Yeping played a ceremonial role; Wang Guangmei, Liu Yongqing, and Peng Liyuan played a political role; and Soong Qingling, Soong Mayling, and Jiang Qing played a policy role while they were first ladies. While the first ladies of the Republic of China often wore classic Chinese styles like traditional qipao as well as western clothes which contained a western influence, the first ladies of the People's Republic of China wore more colorful clothes and more accessories in the later period, and also often wore clothes that combined traditional and western elements. Second, first ladies who played a ceremonial role showed mannish and classic images; those who played a political role showed elegant, classic, and diverse images according to T.P.O; and those who played a policy role showed feminine, modern, and mannish images. Fashion images of the first ladies varied according to the level of political involvement, the sociocultural background of China at that time, and their personality and preference.

• Safety and Health at Work
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.207-212
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• 2022

Background: The public now imposes higher demands on the government than in the past, which has created the role overload faced by low-ranking government employees in China. This research investigates the relationship between role overload and health among low-ranking government employees and explores the mediating effects of burnout. Methods: It draws on a survey of 2064 low-ranking government employees by probability proportionate to size sampling in China's Shandong Province. Structural equation modeling (SEM) methods are used to analyze the data. Results: Both role overload and burnout were found to have negative effects on low-ranking government employees' health; however, the associations varied among the three age groups (less than 36, between 36 and 45, and over 45). Those over 45 reported the highest level of both physical and psychological health, while the youngest age group (less than 36) reported the lowest level of health. Role overload has a direct influence on health among government employees over 45 but not among those below 45. Burnout's mediating effects between role overload and health are significant among all age groups, but most significant among the youngest civil servants below 36. Conclusions: The findings evidenced that both role overload and burnout affect low-ranking government employees' self-reported physical and psychological health. In addition, the effect of age differences in coping with role stressors and burnout should be considered.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.35-54
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• 2020

China's 'One Belt One Road' initiative has had a profound impact on China's relationship with Central Asia, which shares borders at North-western region. Central Asia plays an important role in securing the export market of Chinese products, supply of raw materials, and transportation route to Europe. The inland port is of significance to facilitate the development of logistics, trade and industry in the surrounding areas by enabling the distribution and import and export clearance in the region by performing the role of the seaport on the hinterland. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effect of the development of inland ports in central and western China on the geopolitical relationship between China and Central Asia. To this end, we analyze the status of inland port development in China's Midwest by employing the SWOT-PEST analysis method to analyze the current status as well as prospects of trade, investment and transportation routes with Central Asia in terms of geopolitics. As a result of the analysis, the relations between China and Central Asian Countries are becoming more politically and economically close, but it has brought about serious challenges by domestic and foreign environmental changes. Therefore, the development of the inland ports in central and western China are determined by the geopolitical relations under 'One Belt One Road' initiative between China and Central Asia, while the development of the inland port is also expected to serve as a catalyst for the development of both regions.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.49-65
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• 2006

In this paper, innovation policies for systems reform in China since the middle 80's are surveyed and its impacts on science industry linkage activities are investigated by looking into (1) technology market, (2) S&T outsourcing activities of firms and (3) co-invention patents by applicants in firms, universities and public research institutions. All of these findings suggest that the role of science sector in China's economic development process has become larger, and double skin problem (separation of science and industry sector) in China's innovation system has been gradually solved by a number of policy actions to facilitate science industry linkages.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.11 no.9
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• pp.7-16
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• 2020

Purpose: Many studies show that promoting the development of trade facilitation has a positive role in stimulating the country's foreign trade. Therefore, it is of great practical significance to study the development level of trade facilitation for China's export trade. Research design, data and methodology:This study analyzes the growth trend of China's export trade volume in 2009-2019, the characteristics of China's export trade market according to the top 18 major exporting countries in 2017-2018, the structure of export commodities to understand China's economic development level, and compares the total amount of trade exported to all uses this to measure the level of trade development. On this basis, this paper selects the 2011-2018 Trade Facilitation Index and C continents to study the development trend. Based on the theory of trade facilitation, this paper constructs the Trade Facilitation Index, and hina's export trade volume for empirical research. Results: The results show that trade facilitation has a positive and significant impact on the development of China's export trade. Conclusions: Based on the analysis of the actual situations and empirical results, this paper puts forward some suggestions to promote the level of trade facilitation in order to promote the development of import and export trade.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.102-122
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• 2022

From 2018 to 2020, the United States has repeatedly imposed sanctions on the Chinese company Huawei, which has triggered strong nationalist sentiments on the Chinese Internet. This paper is a qualitative content analysis of Zhihu netizens' views on US sanctions against Huawei to explore how anti-Western centrism influences young people's narratives. The results showed that they believe the Huawei matter is a deliberate hegemonic act by the United States because it fears the decline of its own technological status. Moreover, it is direct evidence that the United States is deliberately destroying China's economic development environment to slow down China's rise, as well as a typical manifestation of the injustice of the liberal international order. A further analysis revealed that their narrative logic is obviously influenced by the following aspects: 1) The mentality of national glory derived from comprehensive national strength leads them to believe that U.S. sanctions against Huawei are an obstacle to China's rise. 2) National humiliation leads them to view U.S. sanctions as a constant insult to China. 3) China's superiority created by China's comprehensive national strength and its scientific and technological achievements in recent years has boosted its confidence to challenge the West's absolute progress. This study examines the impact of anti-Western centrism on Chinese nationalist sentiment and offers a bottom-level perspective on the debate over the crisis of the liberal order.