China's Yueyanglou(岳陽樓) cultural landscape and cultural landscape of Korea, respectively Yueyanglou(岳陽樓) investigated and the following results were extracted. First, multi-cultural personalities to ever Yueyanglou(岳陽樓) China's outstanding natural beauty around the emotion of his drawing on the literature and a new cultural landscape was formed. Their main feeling of the beauty of nature through his ash under adverse conditions up again in politics, which expresses the desire to advance. To this end, his outlook on life and also an attitude overhaul yeotboinda. This information formed the cultural landscape of Korea Yueyanglou(岳陽樓) not deviate from that has been investigated. Second, Korea is entirely China's 'sun' Lou Yueyanglou(岳陽樓) was a significant effect of cultural landscape. The beautiful landscapes of the Joseon Dynasty literati in the Joseon reported only in words and pictures they admired China's leading natural and cultural landscape and paste the name of the famous' sun Lou watch it was transformed into a cultural landscape. For this reason, the current remaining two 'sun' Lou, but probably the Joseon Dynasty, called the 'sun tower base and is estimated to be more common than now. In addition, in Hadong Yueyanglou(岳陽樓) near the sun 'Lou, China has also attached near the nomination could be an important clue.
Purpose - This paper aims to explain that the Chinese distribution market will continue to bring tremendous business opportunities to commercial enterprises, given the relatively strong economic fundamentals and substantial government-led measures to boost domestic demand. Research design, data, methodology - A survey was conducted on China's retail market data during 2012. By empirically analyzing the data for retail sales of online markets and franchises, we conclude that the online retail market in China will continue to grow. Results - Based on data from 2012, 2013 is expected to be a challenging year for the retail sector, as both external and internal pressure is likely to persist. This paper outlines some major challenges facing retailers in China. Conclusions - The study shows that retailers in the Chinese market will face some major challenges: 1) the Chinese retail market is considerably affected by an uncertain economic outlook 2) an unfair environment of competition exists and 3) product safety is a serious issue. However, in the future, China's retail market will continue to bring tremendous business opportunities to commercial enterprises, given the relatively strong economic fundamentals and substantial government-led measures to boost domestic demand.
Joseph S. Nye defined soft power as the power of attraction to affect the behavior of other states through the use of non-coercive instruments including culture, political values and foreign policy. Over the last two decades, environmental issues have grown in importance on the international agenda and become critical components of states' foreign policy-making. This paper aims to analyze environmental foreign policy as a soft power instrument focusing on two major rising powers: China and India. Traditionally, China and India had been reluctant to make any commitments in the field. However, they have shown greater willingness to act in global environmental governance in the past decade. They started playing more active roles in global climate change negotiations and supported a number of initiatives. Their current rise in global environmental governance has even been praised by the international community as the Paris agreement case demonstrated. This study evaluates China's and India's recent efforts in global environmental governance with a focus on climate change negotiations linking their constructive position to their soft power potential. It is argued that environmental issues are used by these two states as foreign policy strategy to gain more influence in international politics. This study finds out that China's climate-related environmental diplomacy has been more ambitious than that of India and thus has been closer to fulfill its potential as a soft power asset.
North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'
This article attempts to explain current social perceptions in Mexico about the Silk Road. Based on a critical geopolitics approach, the author analyzes how the idea of the Silk Road is socially constructed in Mexican popular geopolitics, focusing on studying digital mass media between 2013 and 2020. The main research questions are: how is the Silk Road notion constructed in Mexican popular geopolitics and what are the geopolitical implications for Mexico? The article discovers that in Mexico, the idea of the "Silk Road" is profoundly close to the idea of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) given China's geostrategic discourse that constructs the BRI as a "New Silk Road". The article also argues that Mexico's social-political agency to deal with China may be hindered by divergent social perceptions in favor and against the "Silk Road".
This article investigates the geopolitics of the energy transition era, concentrating on China's solar photovoltaic (PV) industry. Authors have noted that the rise of renewables is changing the geopolitical landscape of world energy systems, but these new energy sources carry their own technical characteristics and geopolitical implications. Bearing this in mind, this research answers the questions: What are the structural factors that facilitate China's use of renewable energy to achieve political goals, and what are their implications? In order to analyze the data, I devise an analytical framework based on the energy statecraft literature and contrast rival explanations, particularly the "prosumer theory" and the premise of less geopolitical interdependence in a renewable-centered world. I show that asymmetric interdependence in the solar PV sector is already a reality. China's solar PV industry is a case that suffices all conditions (centrality in industrial capacity, market share, and companies' compliance, but to a lesser extent in critical materials and technological endowments) in the solar PV sector to devise effective strategies aimed at reaping benefits out of its asymmetric interdependence with the rest of the world.
This paper's aim is to explore how China's country image affects the product evaluations and purchase intentions through three major hypothesize. Four hundred eighty-nine Korean adult consumers, who have the purchase experiences of goods made in China before, were invited to take part in this investigation. Data analyses were conducted by reliability test, confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling with SPSS ver. 19.0 and AMOS ver. 18.0. This study focused on multi-dimensional country image and found that China's country image contains 5 elements (people, evolution, politic, economic and culture). Empirical verification through structural equation modeling indicates that the data offer substantial supports, such that China's country image represents the predominant influence on product evaluations and people, evolution, and politic image showed positive effects. Also, China's country image has a positive influence on the product purchase intentions directly (culture image) and indirectly (people, politics, and evolution image) through the product evaluations. Practical implications of findings will be discussed and suggested as follows. First, this study complements the lack of researches on China among the studies regarding country image. Secondly, research results would help us to understand the perception on China's country image of Korean consumers' and to seek the criteria by which consumers evaluate goods made in China. Finally, this research can help Chinese companies to make market strategies effectively when they entering Korean market by exploring the factors which have strong influences on Korean consumers' purchase behaviors.
This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.
As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.
China in the sixteenth century was exposed to various problems, and the surrounding nations were growing as potential threats by building up their powers and forming an unstable political state by losing control of civilization in politics, economy, knowledge, ideas and ideas. Especially, Mateo Ricci's knowledge and ideas were enough to attract the Chinese knowledge society. However, the influx of Western astronomy and world maps was not only a substitute for the notion of heaven and earth of Chinese tradition, but it destroyed all the knowledge and ideology of China, the foundation of political power and knowledge power. It transformed China in the center of the world into China in some parts of the world. It also brought about a great change in the civilization map of culture and savagery. As a result, the relationship between 'center and periphery', 'civilization and barbarians' could not be established, and the title of Chinese as a unique and exclusive civilization could no longer be maintained.
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