• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.22
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• pp.173-194
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• 2005

Studying on the history of korean ancient poetry, we come in contact with a series of verses which 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo'. In the 16th century are the representative works among them. Sarim were involved in the domestic discords so that they brought about severe party strifes after all. 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo' profoundly dealt with the various problems concerning nature and human beings. Lee, Hyunbo and Lee, Whang are closely related with the philosophical attitudes of Confucianism. After this, Kyun, Homun and Jang, Kyungse can be largely summarized as the dual theory of reason and spirit. From the standpoint of natural principles, the epistmology of Confucianism. the theory of reason has characterized by ideality and reality. It can be said that the problem of harmonizing and uniting nature with human beings was solved in the unity of space and man. 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo' in the 16th century prominently express not only the courses of character cultivation but also the pride and close relationship between nature and human beings. We can say that 'Jejisarim's Kangho Shijo' in the 16th century are divided into both types of the conservative idealism and the reformative realism in the Jejisarim. Kangho Ship. the epistmology of Confucianism nature and human beings. ideality and reality political status and that such ships can be separated into types ideality and reality in the philosophical context.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.6
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• pp.97-109
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• 2008

This study first attempted to catch the transformational affairs and motives of the representative pavilion, Hanbyeok in Honam after its construction. Especially, it re-illuminated the morphologic, significant and functional change process of a pavilion after the early Joseon Dynasty by taking the local scenery, Hanbyeokdang as a sample, and considering the space and scenic characteristics, and diachronically understood its creation process and rebuilt its inherent positional meaning to reach the following conclusion. 1. Weoldanglu, at its early foundation, seems to have stressed the function of a private banquet and lecture hall to train younger students, and served as a reception space. Then the reception function gradually increased, and up to before 1530, it seems to have been called Weoldanglu(月塘樓) or Weoldangwon(月塘院). 2. In 1619, Governor Yoo Saek changed the pavilion name to Hanbyeokdang through the subject of a poem. 200 years after Weoldang's death, it became a public space called Hanbyeokdang, an amusement place in which scholars cultivated great morale, and participated in the sending-off and welcoming of predecessors and successors. This seems to have taken a foothold as a public event or entertainment space for the local administration, Jeonjuboo(全州府) through the remodeling process sponsored by the public. 3. Scenic language such as its indicating name, expression type and surrounding view through old map and so on, the shape of Hanbyeokdang evolved and changed to diverse types after the foundation of Weoldanglu, at the heart of which Hanbyeokdang with its two legs standing at a rock was located. 4. During the late 18th century, Hanbyeokdang seems to have been a wing corridor connected closely to the left corridor of the Jeonju stream bed, whose pattern is presumed to have existed even during the early 19308. Such changes in scenic language make us assume that diverse auxiliary space, a wing corridor, was erected for use as a public banquet and amusement spot of Jeonjuboo Castle, the inherent function of Hanbyeokdang after the mid 18th century. 5. Penetration of Hanbyeokgool and the erection of Hanbyeokgyo caused the change of the ancient shape of Hanbyeokdang. Specifically, a great Hanbyeokgyo passing by the pavilion changed the relative scale, so the pavilion image of pursuing unity with nature has lost the old inherent refinement and visual character.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.148-153
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• 2022

This thesis investigates the meaning of a performer's energy taking into an account of the full bodily engagement as the flow of energy and/or psychophysical readiness focusing specifically on the significance of qualitative bodily transformation. In this contemporary era, the dominance of performer training and its approaches to acting/training has very frequently meant that how to play a character in a textual based approach by emphasizing on interpreting and impersonating the role as real as possible. In this sense, as a performer trainer, from my observation and research findings shows that it is common for the term energy is not to be motivated by what a performer's body needs within a specific moment in specific performance which they are working on. To address the problematic issues, this thesis begins by interrogating the practical meaning of transformation with addressing the principle and process of movement by means of the flow of energy on stage. For a performer, inhabiting/integrating his/her body and mind as oneness and/or unity means s/he sincerely encounter, confront, and therefore listen to his/her body in here and now. Because since the performer's physical appearance completely defined his/her psychological state, no one can play either the past or the future in the moment. In this manner, an appropriate use of energy synonymous with the flow of energy correspondence with the given time and space in which the performer's body informs and initiates movement as necessary action. To be precise, the performer's bodily movement either visible or invisible in a sense of training and rehearsal is perceived as attaining or achieving psychophysical involvement as the full body engagement which enable to make the event happen in the right moment. Here, this thesis argues that the significance of a performer's inner intensity reminds us of the necessity of qualitative transformation on which the performer could discover his/her own mode of awareness as well as a way his/her body function in the given circumstance. From this point of view, this research finding would advocates that the performer's body maintains in the field of energy flow where his/her conscious effort and/or mindfulness disappear. The performer's movement is a manifestation of the whole bodily engagement by means of being as real in that moment rather than representing reality.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.37-50
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• 2016

Recognizing the problem of fallacy in geographical name of Changokbyeong(蒼玉屛), assumption has been made on the location of Changokbyeong through literature research on antique maps, ancient paintings, and old prose, through field survey on rock inscriptions and landscape characteristics, and through interviews with local people. Furthermore, Baegyeonwa, the Cuckoo Hut, and Iyangjung(二養亭), an annex to the cottage, both of which were managed by Saahm Park Soon(思菴 朴淳), the Subject of Jouissance, were studied in depth with emphasis on the spatial structure as well as special features of the area as a garden. The major findings are as follows: Changokbyeong is a spatial threshold that imparts a sense of unity with Okbyeng seowon(玉屛書院) and indeed Changokbyeong is presumed to have been the frontal river terrace of Okbyeng seowon according to the analysis of antique maps and rock inscriptions. This ancient location and the Ogari Stone Wall, the present day Changokbyeong, are only 460m away so that both areas are considered as falling under the influence of Changokbyeong landscape. The expression "Changokbyeong Geupsangeum(蒼玉屛及散襟)" written in an old prose tells us that the high rock wall with Sangeumdae inscribed on the rock might be the rock wall of Changokbyeong. In addition, while not a single rock inscription has been found on the Ogari Stone Wall, 11 rock inscriptions designed and ordered by Saahm Park Soon, the Subject of Jouissance, are found on every corner of the high rock wall standing in front of Okbyeng seowon, 8 of those 11 being place names and recitative poems(known as Jeyeongsi: 題詠詩) in close formation resembling the handwritings in a little notebook. This provides a strong evidence for assuming the location of Changokbyeong to be the frontal river terrace of Okbyeng seowon. The "Songgyun Jeoljo Suwol Jeongshin(松筠節調 水月精神)" rock inscription on Changokbyeong should be considered as the stamping ground and as the symbolic language of Changokbyeong that bears the high character and nobility of the Subject of Jouissance, Saahm Park Soon. The inscription should also be recognized as the handwritings of Wooahm Song Si-Yeol(尤庵 宋時烈) correcting the misconceptions that persisted until today. Meanwhile, the garden remains of Saahm's Changokbyeong are composed of four sites: Sangeumdae-Sugyeongdae-Cheonghakdae-Baekhakdae from the left. At the back of Sangeumdae, there is the original house, the Baegyeonwa(拜鵑窩), and on the fantastically shaped stone wall at the left of Baekhakdae, there is the annex, the Iyangjung, together creating a landscape composition that overlooks the splendor of the Ogari Stone Wall. The Iyangjung is located on the highest spot to the left of the four sites, and it is believed to have been a little outhouse and library for Saahm which remains to the present day as a place where Saahm's character can be felt. The drinking plates[窪樽] made of rock that are affectionately arranged on the broad flat rock in front of Iyangjung is part of the garden remains that reflects the artistic taste of Saahm regarding the drinking culture at the time.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.513-557
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• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.84-94
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• 2015

This study is to examine how the admiration for Chutzu(朱子)'s achievement while he was preaching his policies after renouncing the world in Wuyi-Gugok(武夷九曲), Mt. Wuyi and Joseon-style transformation culture were unfolded and developed through Gugok management cases such as position, name, poetic diction, Jungsa(精舍) architecture and engraving of Muyi-Gugok set in Mt. Gugok, Snacheong. The results were as follows: Myungam(明庵) Jeong Sik(鄭拭, 1683~1746)'s Muyi-Gugok, which consists of Suhongkyo(垂虹橋, gok 1) - Oknyeobong(玉女峰) - Nhongwhaldam(弄月潭) - Nacwhadam(落花潭) - Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) - Gwangpyungryea(光風瀨) - Jaewhaldae(霽月臺) - Gorooam(鼓樓巖) - Wharyongpok(臥龍瀑, gok 9) is the representative case where Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok was exactly copied and fulfilled to the Joseon Dynasty. In a large frame, Gugok Wonlim culture, Myungam's Muyi-Gugok management has a will of succession of Dotong(道統) through admiration for Chutzu in a rigid way. Another name of Mt. Gugok is Mt. Muyi and Gugok's name is Muyi-Gugok and the residence existed between gok 4 and gok 5. In addition, the name of Jeongsa for Gugok management is also 'Muyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍)' and Gugok name and contents of Poetry are also similar and all of these are clear evidence that Myungam tries to copy Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok to Mt. Gugok. Also, Gugok set before Myungam were located in Mt. Gugok and among them, verified four Gugok names are corresponded to those of Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok and it tells that conforming behavior as one of admiration ways for Chutzu already arrived at Mt. Gugok before Myungam and this was an oppotunty to widen Mt. Gugok Muyi-Gugok's tradition and horizon. Also, considering that Myungam's gok 6, Gwangpyungryea and gok 7, Jewoldae are names from 'Gwangpungjewol(光風霽月)' Based on Chutzu's poem and they are closely related to Joseon's classical scholar spirit, they are associated with Joseon-style transformation of Chutzu's Muyi-Gugok. Meanwhile, gok 5 'Daeeunbyeong' was transformed to 'Nangaam(爛柯巖)' in gok 5 - "Deoksan-Gugok(德山九曲) of Jooko(竹塢) Ha Beom-Woon(河範運, 1792~1858) and those characters's engravings are handed down. In "Pome of Deoksan Gugok" transformed from Myungam's Muyi-Gugok, respect and admiration for Chutzu is weaken while Ha Beom-Woon admires Nammyeong(南冥) Cho shik(曺植, 1501~1572), a symbolic character of himself's school and from this, a movement to promote partisan unity is identified. After Myungam died, Muyi-Gugok in Mt. Gugok was transformed from a space to succeed Chutzu's Dotonga to one to commemorate the memory of ancient sages, but, it is a typicality case that widen the spectrum of Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim culture through Muyi-Gugok's imitation and transformation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.18-41
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• 2017

The Gangjin WolnamSaji(月南寺址) is a small site where three-story pagodas and a destroyed tombstone remained. In 1973, it was discovered that the destroyed tombstone was that of the second master of Susunsa, Hye shim(慧諶), who had a special relationship with the military regime in Goryeo, and it once again attracted attention as a result of the recent excavation of the Rooftile of Yeonhwamun(蓮花文). In particular, the Windchime excavated in 2012 is a large-sized one group with a length of 23cm, and a relatively large Sanskrit character was decorated on four sides of the body. In addition, it was also confirmed in preservation process that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' was engraved. The Sanskrit characters(梵字) om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ), brum( , bhrūṃ) were decorated on the body of the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji. Om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ) are known as the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of having the highest honor. In addition, the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) allows us to understand the truth by responding to the principle of universe, which is the Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那佛), and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of unity. In the end, the meaning of the Sanskrit decorating the four sides of the Wind-chime, of WolnamSaji(月南寺址), can be interpreted as the expression of the Buddha's doctrine, or the willingness to be combined with Buddha, the highest existence in itself. It is possible that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' carved on the body can be regarded as the name of the master craftsman related to the making of the Wind-chime, but it is unlikely that it is the name of the master craftsman, considering that it is a place where the location is not easily seen. If so, you can think of the original function that the Wind-chime has. In other words, it can be interpreted symbolically and implicitly that the wish of the sound of the airwaves symbolized by the words of the Buddha covers the sky and spreads all over the place. It is thought that the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji(月南寺址) was made in the mid to late 13th century considering the comparisons with another wind-chime excavated from the temple site, the historical situation in the late Goryeo, the publication date of the scriptures(經典) of Esoteric Buddhism(密敎).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.33-54
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• 2010

Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.