• 미술자료
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• 제97권
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• pp.87-104
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• 2020

산률(山律) 선우영(鮮于英)(1946~2009) 필(筆) <금강산 묘길상도>(2000)는 국립중앙박물관이 소장하게 된 최초의 북한 화가 작품이다. 지금까지 알려진 <묘길상도> 가운데 가장 큰 종축(縱軸) 형식으로 크기가 세로 130.2cm, 가로 56.2cm에 이르는 지본수묵진채(紙本水墨眞彩) 그림이다. 선우영에 관하여는 최근 우리나라에도 수차례 개최된 전시회에서 비교적 잘 알려졌다. 그는 1989년 공훈예술가, 1992년 인민예술가 칭호를 받는 등 이른바 '진채세화(眞彩細畫)'의 대가로서 북한을 대표하는 화가가 되었고, 60여 점의 작품이 북한 국보로 지정되었다. 이 그림의 주제인 <묘길상> 마애불은 금강산 내금강 지역에 있는 만폭동 골짜기의 높이 40m 벼랑 아래에 15m 정도 크기로 새겨진 고려시대의 마애불이다. 이 마애불의 명칭은 마사연(摩詞衍) 동쪽에 있었던 묘길상암(妙吉祥庵)에서 유래한다. 마애불의 오른쪽 옆 바위에는 직암(直庵) 윤사국(尹師國)(1728~1709)이 쓴 '묘길상(妙吉祥)'이라는 큼직한 음각의 글씨가 새겨져 있다. 필자는 불상의 수인(手印)을 오른손과 왼손이 모두 엄지와 약지(藥指)가 만나는 하품하생인(下品下生印)과 비슷하지만 왼손이 아래를 향하고 있지 않고 오른손과 거의 직각을 이루며 복부에 놓여있으므로 설법인(說法印)으로 보았다. 즉 이 불상은 설법인을 결하고 있는 석가상(釋迦像)이라고 결론지었다. 선우영의 <금강산 묘길상도>는 조선시대 같은 주제의 그림들과 비교하면 불상의 자연 환경, 즉 벼랑 아래 감실에 새겨진 불상이라는 점과 불상이 인간의 모습이 아닌 암각상임을 수묵진채로 표현한 유일한 그림이다. 구도와 색감이 자아내는 초현실주의적 분위기 또한 이 <금강산 묘길상도>의 특징이라 하겠다. 이 그림을 포함한 선우영의 대부분 작품이 진채로 바위 질감을 사실적으로 표현한 그림이지만 그의 만년작 <파도>(2008)와 같이 전통적의 수묵화에 가까운 그림도 그렸던 폭넓은 작품 세계를 보여주는 화가이다.

• 한국작물학회지
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• 제3권
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• pp.1-40
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• 1965

본실험은 우리 나라 중부지방에 있어서의 수도의 재배 시기를 이동함에 따르는 실용제형질의 변화를 구명하기 위하여1958~'60년의 3개년에 걸쳐 농업시험장(현 작물시험장) 답작과(수원)에서 시행한 실험으로서 공시품종은 조만성, 초형 등 생태적특성을 달리하는 연산.수원 8002.오조.팔달 및 조광의 5품종을 공시하였으며, 파종기는 3월 2일 ~7월 10일까지를 10일 간격으로 14회에 걸쳐 파종하였고, 또 각 파종기마다 각각 못자리 일수를 30일, 40일, 50일, 60일, 70일 및 8일묘로 하여 이앙하여 실험하였다. 그 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. 출수기 : 1) 파종기가 지연됨에 따라서 출수기도 거의 일직선으로 지연되나, 그 정도는 조생종에서 크고 만생종은 작으며, 또 못자리 일수가 길어짐에 따라서 커진다. 2) 출수까지의 일수는 각 품종 모두 파종기의 지연에 따라서 거의 일직선으로 단축하나, 품종에 따라 그 정도의 차이가 있어서 조생종은 단축일수가 작고 만생종이 크다. 그리고 동일품종 내에서도 못자리 일수가 길어짐에 따라 단축일수는 작아졌다. 또 최단축일수에 도달하는 시기도 조생종은 빠르나 만생종은 늦어진다. 또 못자리 일수가 긴 구에서 그 시기는 빨라진다. 품종 및 못자리 일수에 따라 차이가 있으나 어느 시기 이후의 파종기가 되면 단축을 나타내지 않게 되고, 다시 파종기가 늦어지면 한냉한 기후의 영향을 받아 출수일수는 오히려 연장된다. 3) 파종기(X)와 출수까지의 일수(Y)와의 회귀직선식 Y=a+bX의 계수 b(출수일수단축율)와 평균일수일수와는 고도의 상관이 인정되며, 평균출수일수가 클수록, 즉 만생종일수록 파종기의 지연에 의한 출수촉진일수가 컸었다. 4) 어느 품종의 파종기가 동일역일이면 못자리 일수가 극단으로 길지 않은 범위 내에서는(파종기의 지연에 따라서 출수까지의 일수가 직선적으로 단축되는 범위내에서의) 출수일수의 년차간의 변이는 크지 않으므로 목적하는 품종에 대한 수회의 파종기에 걸쳐 출수기의 변동을 조사하여 실험식(파종기와 출수까지의 일수와의 회귀직선식)을 구해 두면 임의의 재배시기에 있어서의 출수기를 추정할 수 있다. 5) 파종기가 3월하순~6월중순, 못자리 일수가 30~50일의 범위에서는 보통기재배에 있어서의 품종의 출수기의 조만을 가지고 그 전후에 해당하는 파종기에 있어서의 각각의 품종에 대한 출수기를 추정할 수 있다. 2. 성숙기 : 6) 출수기가 지연됨에 따라서 성숙한계 출수기의 범위 내에서는 성숙기도 거의 일직선으로 지연된다. 그 정도는 품종 및 못자리 일수의 장단에 의한 차이가 크다. 평균온도의 영향을 받는 범위 내에서는 출수기(X)가 지연됨에 따라서 성숙기간 중의 평균온도(Y)는 그것에 따라서 저하하며 품종간에 차이가 있으나, 전체적으로 보아 양자의 관계를 8월 1일부터 9월 13일까지의 범위에서는 Y=25.53-0.182X의 회귀직선식으로 나타낼 수 있다. 7) 품종의 조만생에 의한 성숙기간에 있어서의 평균온도의 차이가 심하며, 조생종은 최고 28$^{\circ}C$의 고온에서 경과하나 만생종은 22$^{\circ}C$에 불과하다. 8) 성숙기간중의 평균온도(X)와 성숙일수와의 관계는 극히 높은 상관이 인정되며, 양자의 관계를 Y=82.30-1.55X의 회귀직선식으로 표시할 수 있었다. 성숙기간중의 평균기온이 18~28$^{\circ}C$의 범위 내에서는 온도가 1$^{\circ}C$ 상승함에 따라서 성숙일수는 1.55일 단축되는 결과가 되며, 품종별로는 관산이 2.24일로서 단축정도가 컸고, 수원 8002가 0.78일로서 가장 적었다. 따라서 수원지방에 있어서는 평균온도가 18~28$^{\circ}C$의 범위에서는 온도가 상승함에 따라 성숙속도가 빨라진다고 할 수 있다. 9) 각 파종기별로 본 출수까지의 일수(X)에 대한 성숙기간중의 적산온도(Y)와의 관계는 거의 완전한 정의 상관관계가 있고, 성숙기간중의 적산온도는 어느 범위 내에 있어서의 파종기의 이동에 의한 차이는 비교적 작다. 3. 간장 및 수장 : 10) 품종간의 차이는 있으나 비교적 조파가 된 구간에는 간장에 큰 변화는 없으나 계속 파종기가 지연되어 만파가 되면 공시품종 모두 간장의 감소가 뚜렷해졌다. 또 간장의 감소정도는 약묘에서 완만할 뿐만 아니라, 5월 21일~6월 10일 파종과 같이 비교적 만파를 하더라도 별로 감소되지는 않으나, 80일묘와 같은 노숙묘인 때는 보통기재배에서도 급격히 감소한다. 11) 수장의 변화도 간장과 동일한 경향을 보이나 파종기의 지연에 의한 수장의 변화는 30~40일묘에서는 거의 인정되지 않았고, 못자리 일수가 길어지면 수장의 감소가 뚜렷해진다. 4. 수수 : 12) 파종기가 지연됨에 따라서 일정한 시기까지 계속수수는 감소하다가 어느 시기 이후가 되면 새로이 고차분얼의 다량발생으로 수수가 증가한다. 그 시기는 못자리 일수에 따라 차이가 있으며, 30~40 일묘는 5월 31일~6월 10일 파종기인 만파에서 수수가 최대로 감소하며, 70~80일묘의 경우 4월 11일~4월 21일의 파종기에서 이미 수수가 최대로 감소한다. 5. 지경수 : 13) 지경수는 파종기가 지연됨에 따라서 어느 일정한 시기까지는 변화가 없으나, 그 시기가 지나면 수당지경수의 감소가 현저하다. 14) 지경수가 감소되기 시작하는 시기도 30~40 일묘에서는 5월 3일 이후의 파종기가 되나, 80일묘의 경우 5월 31일 파종에서 이미 감소될 뿐만아니라, 5월 31일 파종이 되면 지경수가 3~4개에 불과하였다. 6. 비중과 천입중 : 15) 파종기의 이동에 따라 비중은 서서히 증가하나 어느 시기를 넘으면 급격히 증가하며, 이를 2개의 상이한 회귀직선으로 표시할 수 있다. 16) 이 양직선이 교차되는 지점을 성숙가능한계기로 보면 이 시기는 못자리 일수와 밀접한 관계가 있어서 30~40일묘는 6월 10일 반중기에 해당하나, 70~80일묘에서는 5월 1일로서 못자리 일수가 길어짐에 따라 성숙한계기는 당겨진다. 17) 천입중은 보통기재배에서 가장 무겁고 극조기재배를 하거나 만기재배에서 천입중은 저하한다. 7. 고중 및 완전정조중 : 18) 품종의 조만에 큰 영향없이 III~IV 파종기까지의 조기재배 하에서는 못자리 일수의 장단에 의한 고중의 큰 변이는 없으나, 파종기가 계속 이동하여 보통기재배가 되면 못자리 일수가 길어짐에 따라 차차 고종이 감소되어 오다가 만파가 되자 그 감소정도가 급격해졌다. 19) 파종기(X)와 정조수량(Y)과의 관계는 품종ㆍ못자리 일수를 종합하여 직선에 가까운 포물선으로 나타낼 수 있었다(Y=77.28-7.44X$_1$-1.001X$_2$). 따라서 조파시에는 정조수량의 변이가 작으나 어느 시기보다 파종기가 늦어짐에 따라서 정조수량은 감소하며, 그 정도는 만파인 경우에 심하고, 또 못자리 일수가 길어짐에 따라 더욱 현저하다. 20) 출수일수(X)에 대한 정조수량(Y)의 관계는 품종ㆍ못자리 일수를 구별하지 않고 보아다 회귀직선식으로써 나타낼 수 있었으나, 출수일수가 60~110일 정도까지는 조생종이 수량이 많고 만생종은 만기재배에 해당하므로 정조중의 감소가 심하였고, 출수일수가 140일 정도 이상이 되면 정조중이 거의 증가하지 않은 경향이 뚜렷하였다.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.83-104
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• 1981

Hemodialysis is essential treatment for the chronic renal failure patient's long-term cure and for the patient management before and after kidney transplantation. It sustains the endstage renal failure patient's life which didn't get well despite strict regimen and furthermore it becomes an essential treatment to maintain civil life. Bursing implementation in hemodialysis may affect the significant effect on patient's life. The purpose of this study was to obtain the basic data to solve the hypotension problem encountable to patient and the blood loss problem affecting hemodialysis patient'a anemic states by incomplete rinsing of blood in coil through all process of hemodialysis. The subjects for this study were 44 patients treated hemodialysis 691 times in the hemodialysis unit, The .data was collected at Gang Nam 51. Mary's Hospital from January 1, 1981 to April 30, 1981 by using the direct observation method and the clinical laboratory test for laboratory data and body weight and was analysed by the use of analysis of Chi-square, t-test and anlysis of varience. The results obtained an follows; A. On clinical laboratory data and other data by dialysis Procedure. The average initial body weight was 2.37 ± 0.97kg, and average body weight after every dialysis was 2.33 ± 0.9kg. The subject's average hemoglobin was 7.05±1.93gm/dl and average hematocrit was 20.84± 3.82%. Average initial blood pressure was 174.03±23,75mmHg and after dialysis was 158.45±25.08mmHg. The subject's average blood ion due to blood sample for laboratory data was 32.78±13.49cc/ month. The subject's average blood replacement for blood complementation was 1.31 ±0.88 pint/ month for every patient. B. On the hypotensive state and the coping approaches occurrence rate of hypotension was 28.08%. It was 194 cases among 691 times. 1. In degrees of initial blood pressure, the most 36.6% was in the group of 150-179mmHg, and in degrees of hypotension during dialysis, the most 28.9% in the group of 40-50mmHg, especially if the initial blood pressure was under 180mmHg, 59.8% clinical symptoms appeared in the group of“above 20mmHg of hypotension”. If initial blood pressure was above 180mmHg, 34.2% of clinical symptoms were appeared in the group of“above 40mmHg of hypotension”. These tendencies showed the higher initial blood pressure and the stronger degree of hypotension, these results showed statistically singificant differences. (P=0.0000) 2. Of the occuring times of hypotension,“after 3 hrs”were 29.4%, the longer the dialyzing procedure, the stronger degree of hypotension ann these showed statistically significant differences. (P=0.0142). 3. Of the dispersion of symptoms observed, sweat and flush were 43.3%, and Yawning, and dizziness 37.6%. These were the important symptoms implying hypotension during hemodialysis accordingly. Strages of procedures in coping with hypotension were as follows ; 45.9% were recovered by reducing the blood flow rate from 200cc/min to 1 00cc/min, and by reducing venous pressure to 0-30mmHg. 33.51% were recovered by controling (adjusting) blood flow rate and by infusion of 300cc of 0,9% Normal saline. 4.1% were recovered by infusion of over 300cc of 0.9% normal saline. 3.6% by substituting Nor-epinephiine, 5.7% by substituting blood transfusion, and 7,2% by substituting Albumin were recovered. And the stronger the degree of symptoms observed in hypotention, the more the treatments required for recovery and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.0000). C. On the effects of the changes of blood pressure and osmolality by albumin and hemofiltration. 1. Changes of blood pressure in the group which didn't required treatment in hypotension and the group required treatment, were averaged 21.5mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference in the latter was bigger than the former and these showed statistically significant difference (P=0.002). On the changes of osmolality, average mean were 12.65mOsm, and 17.57mOsm. So the difference was bigger in the latter than in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.323). 2. Changes of blood pressure in the group infused albumin and in the group didn't required treatment in hypotension, were averaged 30mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and it showed no statistical significance (P=0.503). Changes of osmolality were averaged 5.63mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these was no stitistical significance (P=0.287). Changes of blood pressure in the group infused Albumin and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 30mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smaller in the former but there is no significant difference (P=0.061). Changes of osmolality were averaged 8.63mOsm, and 17.59mOsm. So the difference were smaller in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.093). 3. Changes of blood pressure in the group iutplemented hemofiltration and in the Uoup didn't required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and also these showed no statistical significance (P=0.320). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance（P=0.199). Changes of blood pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smatter in the former and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.035). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 17.59mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance (P=0.086). D. On the changes of body weight, and blood pressure, between the group of hemofiltration and hemodialysis. 1, Changes of body weight in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 3.340 and 3.320. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference, (P=0.185) but standard deviation of body weight averaged in comparison with standard difference of body weight was statistically significant difference (P=0.0000). Change of blood Pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 17.81mmHg and 19.47mmHg. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference (P=0.119), But in comparison with standard deviation about difference of blood pressure was statistically significant difference. (P=0.0000). E. On the blood infusion method in coil after hemodialysis and residual blood losing method in coil. 1, On comparing and analysing Hct of residual blood in coil by factors influencing blood infusion method. Infusion method of saline 200cc reduced residual blood in coil after the quantitative comparison of Saline Occ, 50cc, 100cc, 200cc and the differences showed statistical significance (p < 0.001). Shaking Coil method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of Shaking Coil method and Non-Shaking Coil method this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.05). Adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg and 200mmHg, and this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.001). 2. Comparing blood infusion method divided into 10 methods in Coil with every factor respectively, there was seldom difference in group of choosing Saline 100cc infusion between Coil at OmmHg. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 13.49cc. Shaking Coil method in case of choosing saline 50cc infusion while adjusting pressure in coil at OmmHg was the most effective to reduce residual blood. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 15.18cc.

• 복식
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• 제4권
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• pp.87-114
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• 1981

A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.