• Architectural research
• /
• 제13권4호
• /
• pp.31-42
• /
• 2011

This study notices that all religions in Central Asia from the fourth century through seventh century C.E. provided considerable hands in keeping a uniform unity through a process of assimilation, although art and architecture were greatly stimulated by the creative genius of the many people. The study thus intends to argue that the common ideas of rituals and primitive forms of religious shrines lead the square-based layout of Buddhist shrines the unity and universality in the architectural products of particular regions or epochs: i.e. the "square-based plan" in Buddhist temples of Central Asia was a significant prototype in the synthesis with pre-Buddhist architectural models and Buddhist universal ideas. Thus, this thesis notes that they did not lose the universal principles of the Buddhist shrine plans due to ritual functions, and even there have been never differences from pre-Buddhist building models remarked by the periods and the venues in which they were produced, although there had been continuous evolutions and adaptive transformations in the local tastes of religious architecture. Accordingly, this study discusses how such plans in Buddhist architecture had been consistently produced within that regional style also representative of the local idioms of architecture, and how they were adopted in the sites, founded on the composition of ritual functions. The foreign architectural cultures were selectively chosen getting along with local building types of each site according to each taste for architecture as a result.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제16권5호
• /
• pp.7-20
• /
• 2007

Bong-amsa Temple is a special temple in the custody of Jogye sect, a branch of Buddhism in Korea. Due to limited public access to this temple, its Geungnakjeon(paradise shrine) has been little known to outside. But it is known that the Geungnakjeon has been not yet explored from academic standpoints in terms of its historical establishment as well as applications, and it would be two-storied wooden pagoda or the like. In order to examine its historical establishment, this study investigated historical records related to Bong-amsa Temple and its intrinsic architectural style. As a result, it was estimated that the building was established around the transitional period ranging from the late Koryo dynasty to the early Joseon dynasty. And it was found that the Geungnakjeon is not the two-storied wooden pagoda, but the unique building including an incidental component called Chayanggan(遮陽間; a sort of stepped penthouse) in Korea. In order to examine its possible applications, this study compared this building with other Buddhist funeral articles in forms similar thereto, such as Buddhist pagoda(僧塔), sarira container(舍利器) and Gamnodo(甘露圖) which depicts Byeoknyeon Daeban(碧蓮臺畔; a palanquin carrying malignant spirit). Then, this study estimated its possible applications on the basis of relevant historical literatures. As a result, it was found that this building was used as Wondang(願堂; a sort of Buddhist prayer house) to wish royal family's going to Nirvana after death, and it was not Confucian-style architecture popularized in the era of Joseon dynasty, but Buddhist-style architecture built widely from the era of Koryo dynasty to the early Joseon dynasty.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제27권2호
• /
• pp.63-78
• /
• 2018

Pagodas in Myanmar can be largely divided into Zedi and Pato. Zedi is a developed form of the early domed pagodas in India and Sri Lanka, which can be found in the introduction of Buddhism in Myanmar and the comparison of early pagodas in India, Sri Lanka and Myanmar. On the other hand, Pato is where statues of Buddha were enshrined, which is why many scholars referred to it as a temple. However, this study proposes that Pato shall be referred to as a temple-style pagoda in a form unique to Myanmar, based on the origin of Pato, definition of pagodas, and Sarira Enrichment Record of Pato. Moreover, it seems more appropriate to name this type of structure Stupa Temple(塔殿) or Stupa Shrine(塔堂) rather than a Buddhist temple(佛殿) or Buddhist shrine(佛堂) for clear distinction. Pato, or temple-style pagodas, has a ${\acute{S}}ikhara-style$ structure at the center like Ananda Pato upon entering the Pagan (Bagan) kingdom period, on which Zedi-style structures are built. As a result of examining the integration of various Buddhist schools and religions focused on Theravada during the period of King Anawrahta and King Kyanzittha, the ${\acute{S}}ikhara-style$ structure is a symbolic representation of the fact that Theravada embraced Hinduism. The common features shared by pagodas in Myanmar are the centrality of place and the verticality of $y{\check{a}}ngti{\bar{a}}n$ (looking up to the sky) in terms of shape. All temples are placed at the most important and central space, and their forms represent strong religious $y{\check{a}}ngti{\bar{a}}n$ and verticality. These are the features that stand out most among various pagodas in Buddhist countries.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• 제4권2호
• /
• pp.61-77
• /
• 2019

Following the introduction of Buddhism to China by Xuanzang (玄奘 602-664), the visual tradition of an itinerant monk became a popular subject. This theme developed into a Buddhist figure with an accompanying tiger, especially in Korea where tigers were an object of worship and ritual. This paper examines Korean examples of post-itinerant monk Buddhist figures accompanied by tigers, in particular the portrayal of itinerant monks as arhats and sansins. The supernatural powers of arhats were diverse, and they often tamed the tigers who then accompanied them on their journeys. The arhat, who was introduced during the Unified Silla period and gained popularity during the Goryeo period, was loved by the general public during the Joseon Dynasty as a familiar presence that brought good fortune. Special portraits of monks accompanied by a tiger, known as sansindo (山神圖), form a unique Korean genre. Sansin religious beliefs formed through a fusion of the newly introduced Buddhism and the age-old indigenous worship of sacred mountains and tigers. Most Buddhist temples include a sansin shrine containing on altar with sansin statues and portraits. Tigers in the portraits of itinerant monks and the stories of Buddhist monks who tamed tigers became famous and widely accepted in Korea, a nation already rich in tiger lore. Folklore and indigenous shamanism contributed to the establishment of Buddhism in Korea, and tigers played a central role in this.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
• /
• 제16권4호
• /
• pp.3-11
• /
• 2007

We study, in this paper, on the decorative design of the Treasure-architectural form for the Silla Buddhist reliquary and this research went through the observation on the Buddhist Reliquaries of the Song-Lim-Sa, the Eastern-Western three floor pagodas in the Kam-Eun-Sa, the three floor pagodas in the Bul-Guk-Sa and the reportedly discovered Nam-Won. The Buddhist reliquaries of these 5 Reliquaries, when compared with those of China and Japan in the same period, they worshiped the Buddhist reliquary as a Buddhist God itself and put them as a part of the architectural decoration, being installed in the construction forms. In the form and the composition of the architecture, we can see those having been designed with very detailed and brightly decorated form. The Buddhist reliquaries in the Song-Lim-Sa and Kam-Eun-Sa, the most important ones in this research, were in a royal palace shape having completely the altar part, interior space part, and the ceiling part, which inform us the whole structure of the architecture in details. In particular, for the case of Kam-Eun-Sa, the columns in the shape of bamboo trees, the expression of the gates, the terrace of double parts formed of word-shape Man, and the statue of a general with superhuman ability in the shrine explain us the description of the Gyun-Bo-Tap-Pum of Lotus Sutra. After all these researches, we conclude that the Buddhist reliquaries in form of the Treasure-architecture represented the architectural style of the same period as a form of industrial arts and we can see that they tried to use all of their highly skilled and talented methods to describe the Buddhist Pure Land.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제52권1호
• /
• pp.90-119
• /
• 2019

본 논문은 북한산 불교 석조미술이 북한산이라는 문화 영역에서 갖는 의의를 밝히기 위한 것이다. 북한산은 불교가 전래된 이후부터 불교문화가 성행했으며 삼국시대부터 조선시대까지 꾸준히 사찰이 건립된 불교문화의 중심지였다. 조선 후기 북한산 승영사찰(僧營寺刹)의 건립은 기본적으로 신앙 기도처로서 사찰의 기능을 가졌지만 북한산성 축성이 중요 배경으로 작용한 만큼 북한산의 지정학적 위치, 교통로, 관방체계와도 밀접한 연관을 갖는다는 점이 매우 주목되는 북한산 불교문화의 특징이다. 북한산 불교 석조미술을 유형별로 살펴보면 석조부도, 석탑, 마애불, 석불, 탑비(석비), 석등, 당간지주, 마애사리탑 등으로 구분되는데 비교적 다양한 유형이 남아 있다. 시대별 특징은 신라 불교미술이 경기지역까지 확산되었음을 보여주며 고려 전기와 조선 후기에 석조미술이 가장 많이 조성되었다는 것이다. 고려시대부터 북한산 일원 사찰은 왕실 원찰로 왕실과 밀접한 관계를 유지했으며 조선 후기에는 북한산성 축성이 불교 석조미술 증가에 가장 중요한 계기로 작용하였다. 분포 현황을 보면 통일신라 석조미술은 남쪽에서부터 등장하며 고려 전기까지는 북한산 서쪽에 주로 조성되었다. 고려 후기부터 조선 후기까지는 북한산 동쪽지역에 다수 조성되었음을 확인하였다. 이는 초기에 한강을 이용해 서해안 방향으로 진출하고자 했던 신라의 군사적 목적과 조선 후기 북한산성 축성에 따른 도성 방어 목적으로 변화하면서 북한산의 중심 사찰도 변화했던 것으로 추정된다. 마지막으로 북한산 불교 석조미술은 불교 도입 이래 다양한 유형이 꾸준히 조성되었으며 그 중에서도 새로운 도상과 유형이 등장하고 사례가 많지 않은 특징적인 양식이 등장한다는 점, 고려 후기와 조선 후기 분사리 부도의 건립, 조선 후기 불교신앙 흐름의 반영이라는 점에서 미술사적 의의와 가치가 매우 높다.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제17권2호
• /
• pp.83-102
• /
• 2008

In the book of , it is recorded that the names of ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine were Cheongwoongyo(blue cloud bridge) and Baekwoongyo(white cloud bridge) and the names of stairs to the paradise hall were Yeonwhagyo(lotus bridge) and Chilbogyo(seven treasure bridge). But, the ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine and the paradise hall are single consecutive stairs with 2 levels respectively. Because of this, it is rather hard to clearly designate the names to the upper level and the lower level stairs. But, of the stairs to the Paradise hall, the lower stairs have a carving of lotus, and the upper stairs have seven stairs. In this aspect of artifacts, we can safely assume that the upper stairs are Chilbogyo and the lower are Yeonwhagyo. But, for the ingressive stairs to the main shrine, there is no such artificial hint. So, it is difficult to designate the upper and the lower stairs for the two bridges. Especially, it is not clear whether the descriptive order of "lower stairs upper stairs" in the names of Yeonwhagyo and Chilbogyo can be applied to the names of stairs to the main shrine. It is because the general descriptive order is "upper lower" rather than "lower upper." Even though there have been many studies on the Bulguksa temple, the study on the ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine has not made till now. Therefore, the study on the position of Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo stairs can have its validity. In this paper, the positional approach to Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo has been made in following aspects: First, the temple structure of Bulguksa; Second, the five element theory of oriental philosophy and the Book of Changes; Third, the directional consciousness of Buddhism. Through the aspects, the validity of up-down position of Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo has been sought. In this research, it can be concluded that the upper level of ingressive stone stairs to the main shrine of Bulguksa is Cheongwoongyo and the lower level is Baekwoongyo. When considered in the Buddhist directional consciousness, it forms the total structure of "East-Cheongwoongyo South- Baekwoongyo West-Yeonwhagyo North-Chilbogyo."

• 윤리연구
• /
• 제80호
• /
• pp.1-30
• /
• 2011

이 글은 조선왕조 제4대 군주 세종대왕의 정신세계를 고찰하는 일환으로 그에게서는 유교와 불교가 동시에 중시되었다는 점을 밝혀 보려는 것이다. 왕조실록에서는 세종이 '해동의 요순(堯舜)'으로 평가되지만, 자세히 살펴보면 부처를 숭신했던 사례들을 종종 발견할 수 있다. 특히 왕실에서 생명의 위험성이 다가오면 구병(救病)을 위한 기도행사를 펼쳤으며 선왕의 사당에는 불당까지 겸비할 것을 추구하였다. 이러한 이면에는 세종의 유불화해의식이 작용하고 있었던 것이다. 유신(儒臣)들은 숭유억불의 기조를 따라 유교문화 확장의 차원에서 부단히 척불론을 전개했다. 특히 왕실의 불사(佛事)에 대해서는 군주와 격렬한 논쟁을 벌이기도 했다. 그러나 세종은 불교의 역사성과 현재성, 그리고 자신의 종교체험 등에 유의하여 그 적폐를 제거하면서도 불교 자체의 존재가치를 긍정하였다. 그렇다고 유교사상을 내세워 불교를 비난하거나 불교정신을 따라 유교를 경시하는 것도 아니었다. 즉 그는 유교를 높이면서도 불교를 버릴 수 없는 것으로 보고, 또 불교를 긍정하면서도 유교적인 삶의 태도를 중시했다. 현실적 삶의 태도로서는 유교윤리를 추구하고 생사 초월의 신앙적 측면으로는 불교를 높이며 융화해가는 입장을 보인 것이다. 특히 생사문제 등 인간으로서의 한계의식이 깊어질 때는 유교의 천명사상이나 제사의례뿐만 아니라 부처에의 믿음으로 위안을 찾을 수 있다고 보았다. 세종에서 유불화해의식의 절정은 선왕을 모시는 사당 문소전에 반드시 불당이 함께 있어야 한다는 모습으로 나타났다. 그와 같은 화해의식이 작용하게 되는 원인으로는 첫째 유교와 불교는 모두 왕조국가의 기조를 튼튼히 하는 데에 긴요하다고 인식되었다는 점, 둘째 기도에 대한 감응을 얻으며 안심입명의 안정감을 가지게 되었다는 점, 셋째 인간 평등의 가치관이 중시되고 있었다는 점 등을 말할 수 있다. 그리고 세종 유불화해의식이 가지는 의의로서는 ① 사람들의 정신적 상황 그대로를 긍정하여 평화적 삶의 기반을 제고시킬 수 있다는 것, ② 도덕적인 삶과 종교적인 삶의 포괄성을 높일 수 있다는 것, ③ 여러 가지 사회적 대립형상을 예방하는 데에 기여한다는 점 등을 들 수 있다.

• 대순사상논총
• /
• 제18권
• /
• pp.149-164
• /
• 2004

Various social surveys conducted by mass media and government agencies in recent years in Japan suggest that the percentage of those who believe in religion are between twenty and thirty percent. However, more than seventy percent of Japanese visit Shinto shrines or Buddhist temples during the New year period. Although there are varying interpretations on whether Japanese people are religious or not, detailed research shows the existence of certain religious tendencies among Japanese. I base my estimates on research surveys of college students covering a period of almost ten years. It is helpful for understanding the religiosity of the Japanese to differentiate between "clear-cut religion" and "peripheral religious phenomena." The exact boundary between these two categories, however, is difficult to clearly demarcate. "Clear-cut religion" refers here phenomena which are directly related to established religious organizations such as shrine Shinto, Buddhist sects, or Christianity. "Peripheral religious phenomena" covers such phenomena as fortune telling, mystical phenomena, religious customs and similar matters. It is often said that the younger generations are less concerned with religion. Our seven surveys questioning several thousand college students, conducted between 1995 and 2001, show that only between six and seven percent of the students state that they believe in religion. Additionally, the extent of negative attitudes toward religion quite remarkable. On the other hand, students who take part in conventional ritual such as a New year's visit to a shrine or temple and visiting the graves of ancestors amount to about fifty percentage. In spite of the prevailing negative attitude toward religious groups, these students have apparently kept a certain level of interest in religious customs. Moreover, they show a relatively strong interest in fortune telling, mystical phenomena, or supernatural phenomena. The exact degree of a positive attitude toward peripheral religious phenomena differs according to the level of being informed on these matters. As a whole, they largely rely on information gained from their families and local communities. Therefore, we can conclude that there is a degree of transmission of religious culture among younger generations.

• 동양고전연구
• /
• 제73호
• /
• pp.119-151
• /
• 2018

본 논문은 봉은사의 기원과 조선시대 봉은사에서 설행된 수륙재의 역사적 의미를 고찰한 연구이다. 봉은사는 원래 경기도 광주군 학당동(오늘날의 선릉 능역 내)에 위치했던 견성암이라는 이름의 암자였다. 견성암의 창건시기는 불분명하나, 조선전기에 광평대군의 재암(齋庵)으로 지정되면서 크게 중창되었다. 광평대군부인 신씨는 남편의 무덤 근처에 있던 견성암에 70결의 대토지와 1000여 구의 노비를 시주하여 대찰(大刹)로 중창하였다. 이후 견성암은 견성사라는 이름으로 불리게 되었다. 1450년 성종의 능(선릉(宣陵))이 광평대군묘와 견성사가 위치한 곳에 들어서면서 광평대군묘는 인근의 대모산 자락으로 이장되었다. 하지만 견성사는 그대로 남아 성종의 능침사로 역할하게 되었고 절 이름은 봉은사로 개칭되었다. 1562년 중종의 능(정릉(靖陵))이 선릉 부근으로 이장되면서 봉은사는 선 정릉의 능침사를 겸하게 되었다. 1563년 순회세자가 요절한 뒤에는 세자의 원당이 봉은사 내에 마련되었다. 견성암 때부터 봉은사로 개칭된 이후까지 이 절에서는 수륙재가 계속 설행되었다. 하지만 수륙재의 성격은 시기별로 조금씩 달라졌다. 세조대부터 성종대까지 견성암과 견성사에서 설행된 수륙재는 광평대군과 세종, 소헌왕후의 명복을 비는 천도재의 성격과 왕실 및 사부대중의 안녕을 기원하는 대중법회의 성격을 동시에 지니고 있었다. 이후 연산군~명종대에 이르러 선정릉의 능침사로 역할할 당시 봉은사에서 설행된 수륙재는 왕의 천도재 성격이 강했다. 조선후기에도 봉은사는 순회세자의 원당으로 역할하였기 때문에 봉은사는 왕실 수륙재도량으로 계속 유지되었던 것으로 보인다. 또한 병자호란 이후 봉은사는 남한산성에서 전사한 희생자들을 위무하는 국행 수륙재도량으로도 역할하였다.