• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.137-152
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• 2007

The purpose of this article is making investigation of the principal composition of the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple through ornaments of a case preserving relics of Buddha in the east and west pagodas of Gameunsa temple. This research has an important meaning in clarifying that the concept of placement two Buddhas together with lotus sutra, which was only applied to Bulkuksa temple, has been extended to Gameunsa temple. And this observation gave us a clear explanation for the principal composition at the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple plans. The author obtained the following conclusion from this article : The cases preserving relics of the Buddha for the west and east pagodas are globally in similar form as the type of a royal palace. But the different points between eastern and western can be seen on the existence of Buddhist statues on the base floor, set-up of the gate at railings, and 4 lion statues at a coner of the base floor. In the western pagoda, there are Buddha statues above the base-floor of the cases preserving relics. These Buddha statues are composed of a boy monks and angels with playing music for the praise of the Sakyamuni Buddha lecturing the Lotus sutra at YoungChui Mountain. On the other hand, in the eastern pagoda, Buddha statues on the cases preserving relics are composed of a the Four Devas and monks as a defending God of the nation of Buddha. In the eastern pagoda, one can see something that does not exist in the western pagoda, which is a gate located in railing of a case preserving the relics. This gate described the scene of the Sakyamuni Buddha entering into the pagoda of 7 treasures. In a corner of the case preserving relics in the eastern pagoda, there is another thing which does not exist in the western pagoda. This is a sculpture of a lion which symbols the seat of Lion supporting the Buddha in the Dabotap(the pagoda of 7 treasures). When we observe the form and structure, the descriptions at the railings, the gate, the shrine, the statue of a lion, and the accessories in jewelries, at the cases preserving the relics in the eastern pagoda, one can realize that they have the same combination structures between the ones at Dabotaps in Bulguksa temple and those in China as well as in Japan, all of which represent the Gyun-Bo-Tap-Pum of Lotus Sutra. Among the distribution rules in the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple, the application of the ideal of lotus was known to be effected only to Bulguksa temple. But from the result of the present article, it is more clearly proved by applying the Gameunsa temple that the distribution theory in the twin-pagodas in Buddhist temple was in fact based on the ideal of lotus.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.55-84
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• 2012

This paper is to study the Tang Dynasty monk poet Ling-yi's poem world and his significance on history of literature. In Chinese literature history, "the monk poets" is a very unique literature creation group. The means of a word "the monk poet", from the literal can see " he is the monk that Can write poems", which is dedicated to professionally writing poetry monk. Buddhism spread to China, from the Wei and Jin Dynasty beginning has been writing poetry of the monks, but the real meaning of "the monk poet" (i.e., professionally poetry monk) appeared to the Mid-Tang Dynasty period. The monk Ling-yi is the pioneer of the monk poets group and Buddist monk creative poem in Mid-tang Dynasty period. Although the Lingyi life is very short, only 35 had died, and his poetry has not been too much, only 44 songs, but he in this life of 35 years and 44 poems, for the development of classical Chinese poetry left noticeable imprinting. He is not just as monk's high practice and by advocating for great Buddhist scholar, also through the daily meditation in poetry creation practice were obtained at that time of many men of literature and writing respected. This paper from the poem monk Ling-yi double identity - the first is a Buddhist monk, the second is addicted to poetry poet to proceed, step by step, in-depth study as the poem monk Ling-yi's poetry creation characteristic and the creative mentality characteristics. This thesis also explores the poem monk by the creation of poetry pursuit, exploration, finally realized "poem" and "Zen" together as one "Zen poetry" creation mechanism.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.1-43
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• 2011

This article introduces Abe Mituie's activities related to Korean and Japanese Buddhism and two newly discovered materials. He worked as a brain of Japanese cultural rule over Joseon Korea while holding various positions such as the president of KyeongSung Il Bo, the vice president of Kokmin Newspaper and the director of Central Joseon Association. Abe was responsible for Enkak Temple, the head temple of Japanese Rinzai section, and was one of the layman followers of Syak Soen who worked for the spread of modern Japanese Buddhism to Europe and America. He was a respectful Buddhist layman so as to teach Zen Buddhism for young Buddhist monks in Japan. After he started to assume charge in the Kyeong Sung Il Bo, he was also very active in movements in relation to Joseon Buddhism to the extent that he was found to be deeply involved in Joseon Buddhism sections. On the other hand, he concluded Joseon culture to be 'devastated.' He asserted that it was necessary to develop spiritual culture and revive Buddhism in order to resolve the devastation in the Joseon. In addition, he thought that Joseon Buddhism was ruined due to the misgovernment of the Joseon Dynasty, but had its own as great tradition as Japanese Buddhism. Therefore, in his opinion, there was a need to do research on Joseon Buddhism and find some way out of the contemporary difficulties. In order to save the situation, he made efforts to protect and revive Joseon Buddhism while paying continuous visits to Joseon Buddhist temples, supporting the publication of Buddhist canons and proposing to have a regular meeting of 'The Invitation of 30 Head Temples.' From his visit to Youngju Temple and his consistent relationship with Kang Daeryeon, it can be assumed that he was involved in reorganizing power structure in Joseon Buddhism and establishing various institutions. He emphasized the strict adherence of individuals and communities to rules in his lecture for students at Jung Ang Hak Rim. It was a way to revive Joseon Buddhism by creating a new social image of Joseon Buddhism. He continued to work for the restoration of Joseon Buddhism even after he retired from Kyeong Sung Il Bo and returned to Japan. He introduced the originality of Joseon Buddhism history to Japan and sent Japanese monks to Korea in order to do research and contribute to exchange between Korean and Japanese Buddhism. All things taken together, it is evident that Abe Mitzihe regarded Joseon as backward or stagnant from a perspective of evolutionist or orientalist, and was a Japanese elite to believe that it was just for Japan to control Korea. However, he was different from other Japanese elites in that he did not considered Joseon Buddhism merely as the object of propagation. He thought that Joseon Buddhism possessed its own great tradition and culture, but was ruined because of the misadministration of the Joseon Royal House. Therefore, in his opinion, Joseon Buddhism should be recovered by means of some supports, and its revival would lead to the restoration of Joseon culture as a whole, which would be realized by Japanese rule over Korea and Japanese elites' generous assistance.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.241-260
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore Buddhist interpretation of Jeong Mong-joo, a Confucian scholar of the late Goryeo Dynasty. Buddhism in the latter part of the Goryeo Dynasty was no longer able to exercise the social purity of the national spirit and culture. In this situation, Neo-Confucian was gradually accepted. Thus, a change of ideology was made from Buddhism to Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo's academic world was based on the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo was especially well versed on the Book of Changes in the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo emphasized the Book of Changes as the basis of the Buddhist interpretation. Jeong Mong-joo met the doctrines through various Buddhist scriptures. He was interested in Buddhism. There were not a few meetings and social gatherings with Buddhist monks. For this reason, Jeong Mong-joo cannot ignore his connection with Buddhism. On the other hand, Jeong Mong-joo is characterized by his understanding of Buddhism and his critical consciousness as Confucianist.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.99-124
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• 2005

The Korean Buddhism during the unified Silla era, was dominated by Huayen doctrine, which was developed by Uisang(義相) (625-702) and his disciples. During 8th century, many Korean monks visited China to study Chan Buddhism(禪). After they came back to Silla, they started to criticize Huayen philosophy as a doctrinal Buddhism (Jiao教). Their criticism depended on Chinese Chan Buddhist teachings. Korean Chan monk Sunji(順之), a 9th century, was different from other Chan monks in Silla who were trained in China. His teachings are found in the volume20 of "Zutangji"(祖堂集). Although it is based on Chan thought, it has many doctrinal explanations and interpretations. The conventional studies could not clearify the basis of his philosophy. As my research revealed, his teachings were based on the Huayen doctrine of Chinese Huayen monk Li Tongxuan(李通玄) who lived in 7th 8th century. One of his doctorine is "San shen yuan jung kwan"(三聖円融観). It means the unify of three Holies(三聖) Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那仏), Manjusri Bodhisattva(文殊菩薩), and Samantabhadra Bodhisattva(普賢菩薩). Monk Junshi used this theory in his teachings. As mentioned above, "Sunji Hwasan's teachings" included by the "Zutangji"(祖堂集) volume 20 is important as what offers a new viewpoint when exploring the relationship between the Chan and jiao in Silla in the 9th century.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.395-416
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• 2016

This study analyzes periodic phenomena on publication and characteristics of Buddhist scriptures engraved on woodblock in temples located in Hwanghae Province during the Joseon Dynasty period in bibliographic approach. There are total 85 Buddhist scriptures published in Hwanghae Province, 5 scriptures among them including Yonggamsugyeong appear to be engraved on woodblock only in temples in Hwanghae Province. They, published in 64 printings during the early days of the Joseon Dynasty, occupy 75% of total Buddhist scriptures, and are analyzed to be intensively published with the support of royal family members such as Queen Munjeong in the reign of King Myeongjong. However, as the publication displayed a sharply declining tendency in the late Joseon period after the Japanese invasion, it is understood to be identical with historical fact that the people's livelihood in Hwanghae Province closed to ruin through invasions from Japan and Manchuria. In addition, the analysis on characteristics of these Buddhist scriptures by subject indicates that over 80% of them are generally sacred books and dogmas. In fact, woodblock engraving works in temples emphasize on the duty of an engraver, and many engravers are investigated that they engraved only 2 to 3 Buddhist scriptures in temples located in Hwanghae Province. Doseong and Suyeon can be regarded as remarkable itinerant monks as they were appeared to engrave Buddhist scriptures in not only Hwanghae Province and also other regions by moving from one place to another. This study is expected to be meaningful as a paper that can be used on future studies to compare Buddhist scriptures engraved on woodblock in other regions in North Korea.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.43-52
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• 2017

While going into troops for writing in the vignette style(小品文) in opposition to the Classical Chinese(古文), Yi Ok stopped by Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju. The things he felt during this stop were recorded in the Temple Chapter("寺觀") written in 1795. Therefore, the present dissertation evaluates the Songgwangsa Temple of the time based on this Temple Chapter. Data in the Temple Chapter draws attention to the fact that it records the layout of the temple in detail. Thus the study was able to confirm the change in layout by reviewing relevant records about repair. This reveals that the form of layout in general has been maintained although there were changes involving the relocation of the buildings and their names. Furthermore, the original Buddhist building was changed to a quarter for the monks. Also, in terms of layout after the 18th century, there are frequent name changes of the Myeongbujeon(冥府殿) and Nahanjeon(羅漢殿). After two repairs, in order to find the appearance of a Daeungjeon(Main Buddhist hall) with a two-storied structure of five bays at the front, the study evaluated the Geugnakjeon at Muryangsa Temple and the Daeungbojeon at Magoksa Temple. The evaluation revealed that the 'Jeol' used in the Temple Chapter were small pillars erected on a ridgepole just like the Geugnakjeon at Muryangsa Temple, and that the angle rafters were installed to corner bays in rectangular form. The intellectual Yi Ok left behind invaluable architectural data that reveals the Songgwangsa Temple of the 18th century.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.55-94
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• 2010

Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.