• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.22
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• pp.277-297
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• 1995

Historical study on the reading in Choson has been mostly focussed on few scholar's viewpoint of reading. This research has revealed the reading process of So Myong-So, and has compared it with the reading process of other scholars. As a result of the research the following have been clarified. a. So Myong-so reorganized the reading process of Yuk Se-ui, divided it into the five steps, and made the systematic reading program. b. So Myong-so made the list of selected books which included not only confucian literature, but also taoist, buddhist, and practical. c. So's reading process and selected booklist were different in system and scale from other's : Im Sang-dok, Hwang Dok-gil, and Kang P'il-hyo.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.274-289
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• 2000

Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.43-74
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• 2018

There was few research dealing with the cultural property or the arts of Southeast Asia before, however many articles and books on the arts of Southeast Asia were published since 2008. There are more than 50 papers dealing Southeast Asian art during the period. It was Vietnamese ceramics and the Buddhist relics of Indonesia which paid attention among those articles. This was relevant to the launching of the Humanities Korea (HK) project by the National Research Foundation in 2007. A study on Southeast Asian arts from each of eleven countries is difficult to achieve outstanding results in a short period of time. Since art historical approach is quite a professional field, the growth of research is limited. Since art historical approach is a professional field, the growth of research is limited. At this point we can say the research on Southeast Asian art are developed in an unbalanced extent in the limited area focused on ceramics and sculptures. Over the past decade, the research on Southeast Asian art has developed, but we still need more experts in specific regions and fields. For establishing the art history as a field of regional studies, it is imperative to cultivate specialists in each region for the profound and balanced understanding the value of Southeast Asian art.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.169-195
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into cross-cultural transfiguration of Buddhist faith in Goryeo Dynasty, with a focus on $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra that used to be in vogue in East Asia. There are three major types of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith in Goryeo: the first one was concerned about the scripture itself including its citation and publication and the compilation of its annotation books; the second one involved establishing Buddhist rituals related to the scripture; and the final one was to create Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles with Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Volume 7 of the scripture engraved in stone. While it was the common practice to engrave Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in China, the number of stone poles on which Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ was engraved was overwhelmingly large. There are a couple of reasons behind the difference: first, there was a tendency of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ being worshiped at the national level in Goryeo, which probably explains why the percentage of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles designed to pray for a personal mass for the dead by engraving Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ on a stone pole was considerably low. In addition, there were esoteric sects in Goryeo, and it is estimated that they must have got involved in the establishment of Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles in the former half of Goryeo. Furthermore, the Zen sects had a deep non-Zen understanding of Esoteric Buddhism and tended to practice Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Goryeo. It is estimated that Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles were set up in large numbers in Goryeo as the prevalence of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith that continued on since the former half of Goryeo was combined with the Zen sects' active position about Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.61-84
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• 2019

This study is an analysis of Mengshan heshang analects. Mengshan heshang lived in Song(?) and Yuan(?) Dynasty and he was a Buddhist monk of Linji Chan(???). His works handed on Buddhist monks of Goryeo in the late Goryeo Dynasty. And he influenced Buddism in the early Joseon Dynasty. In Joseon Dynasty Mengshan heshang Sermons abstract was confirmed existence of 39 editions and Mengshan heshang Liudao Pushuo was confirmed existence of 24 editions. All 63 editions show that Sermons abstract and Liudao Pushuo are his representitive analects. All editions were printed in early Joseon Dynasty. At that time Mengshan heshang analects was distributed in Joseon Dynasty. Mengshan heshang analects was distributed in all over the nation as well as in Royal Family of Joseon. Also Mengshan heshang analects was published many times in the Mt. Jiri area. The names of almost engravers found on the publications of many temples. Some engravers actively participated in publishing Buddhist scriptures in particular area. His ideas were received in the late Goryeo Dynasty and the early Joseon Dynasty actively and his many works appears like this.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.103-146
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• 1994

Koryokukshinjodaechangkyochongbyollock is an epoch-making catalogue for historical study of proofing Buddhist scriptures in Korea. This bibliography was appended to the 30 volumes which was corrected in 70 Ham, 66 scriptures, and 79 cases. Comparing the differences between the first carved Tripitaka' s texts in Korea, texts made in the Sung dynasty, and the Kitan's texts, this catalogue discovered the name of scriptures, translators, volume number, the changed am order as well as omission, defaults, mistranslation of the Tripitaka made in the Sung dynasty. From Chon-ham to Young-ham, 480 sets among Kaewon-sokkyorock and 43 sets among Chongwonrock were correctly laid. Songshinyokkyong and the Sung Emperor, T'ai Tsung's statements were excluded. Even though it was possible to get these scriptures only by import from Sung, these imported scriptures had no reason to be proofed because of their new version and the author's direct selection in Sung. Shinchipchangkyon-geumeuisuhamlock has no authentic Sung's and Koryo's text books for correction. kyochongbyollock delivered the scriptures listed on Kudaechangmoklock, which gives an important clue to research transformation from the first to the second carved Tripitaka. Through the systematic study of the transformated facts beteween the first carved Tripitaka and the second one, This study would help rebulid the original Chojodaechan-gkynng which has been not yet perfectly discovered itself.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.37-49
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• 2010

The Samguk-yusa(三國遺事) is one of the two classics of Korean ancient history together with the Samguk-sagi(三國史記); however there has not been any positive attempt to analyse clothing culture centering on the Samguk-yusa until now. Thereupon, this study aims to find the records related to fabrics, color and fashion appearing in the Samguk-yusa, and to analyse the fashion culture of the three kingdoms projected in the Samguk-yusa, referring to the Samguk-sagi and ancient Chinese reference books. According to the records in the book, the fabrics used for clothing of those days included Jikgeum-wimun(織錦爲紋), Geum(錦), Chaebaek(彩帛), Osaek-geumchae(五色錦彩), Geumbaek(錦帛), Geumsam(錦衫), Ma(麻), Neung(綾), Geum-su-neung-ra(錦繡綾羅), Poh(布), Daecho, Bira-geumjeom(緋羅金點), Gyeon(絹). Japchoe(雜綵), Robtyeom(羅緋染). Chimilpoh(緻密布), Gi(綺) and Whan(紈), and they had colors such as brown black(緇), black(黑), purple(紫), yellow(黃), blue(碧), clear white(素), white(白), five colors(五色). There is substantial amoung of report on Buddhism, and the terms used for Buddhist clothing included Beobeui(法衣), Nabeui(衲衣), Bangpoh(方袍), Gasa(袈裟) and Yueui(由衣). It is also ascertained that Gasa had a variety of Bira-geumjeom-gasa(緋羅點袈裟), Manap-gasa(摩納袈裟) and Geumra-gasa(金羅袈裟).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.128-145
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• 2014

After independence, more introductory books on Korean culture were published in both Korea and Japan, along with various papers briefly presenting relevant materials. There are differences depending on the research field, however, a considerable number of articles about Buddhist paintings were published. Research on Korean sculpture was quite active among Japanese scholars. And numerous articles and publications on Korean painting were also presented in both Korea and Japan. Publications on Korean ceramics were increased as much as in other fields. From the late 1980's through late 1990's, research on Korean cultural properties continued to increase, as many young scholars began to conduct research very actively in Korea, producing many articles to introduce new materials. A small number of Japanese scholars also continued to research Korean cultural properties. The overall number of Korean researchers also increased, as existing scholars were joined by students who went to Japan to study and conduct research, thereby helping to significantly expand the area and topics of research. In this period, the exchange exhibitions between Korea and Japan were increased. Also the substantial research reports was began to be published by the national institution. From the early 2000 thrugh present, in all fields, research has progressed and improved since the late 1990's, with many individuals pursuing a microscopic approach to their artifacts and works. More graduate students have been focusing on Korean cultural properties in Japan as the subject of their master's or doctorial thesis in art history, and overall number of researchers in various areas has increased. In the field of Buddhist painting, painting, and Buddhist crafts some important books and articles have been published. However, research achievements have been somewhat uneven. In the area of ceramics, several significant examples of substantial research reports were published by the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. These publications are outstanding references that illustrate the future direction of research on Korean cultural properties in Japan.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.81-105
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• 2014

For a lack of books on tea ceremony, 'Dongdasong (東茶頌)' by Buddhist priest Choui occupies a prominent position. Along with 'Dabu (茶賦)' by Yi Mok (李穆: 1471~1498) and 'Gida (記茶)' by Yi Deok-ri (李德履: 1728~ ?), Dongdasong forms the three peaks of tea work. These books are all based on Tea Classic (茶經) by Ryukwoo (陸羽). Assuming that Tea Classic serves as introduction (起), Dabu is development (承), Gida for turn (轉) and Dongdasong for conclusion (結). Dongdasong is inextricable from Dasinjeon (茶神傳). Dasinjeon is the abstract of Jangwon's Darok (茶錄). The keyword of Dasinjeon is 'tea deity (茶神).' Extracting key concepts of Darok as his perspective, Choui established his own philosophy on tea ceremony. In the process of making into his philosophy, he reorganized the system by introducing the principle of 'subtle combination (妙合),' one of traditions in Korean thought, which is characterized by not separating spirit and material. It is 'subtle combination' that does not make a division between spirit and material, which are undeniably different things. Subtle combination is a relation of two things' being one and one thing's being two. Choui's philosophy on tea ceremony can be assessed as valuable inheritance from traditions of Korean thought.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.11-18
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• 2006

At the age of materialism and ignorance for life, the introspection for the ethics problem of the doctors, is getting more and more attention. It seems that every doctors should have the basic virtues of modesty and benevolence. Such virtues have been stressed throughout the human history, and, apart from the Hipp. ocratic oath of ancient greece, the morality of a doctor is the essential virtue, even for the doctors of western medicine, whose medical technology is based on the materialism. Unlike western medicine, oriental medicine, for its holistic and relative nature, has more 'relative' factors generated from each individual doctors and therefore, tends to be influenced more by the doctors' attitudes. The diagnosis process itself can be influenced by the emotions of patients and doctors, and even the efficacy of the acupuncture treatment itself can be influenced by the conception a doctor has when he/she conduct the treatment. Therefore, in every classics of oriental medicine have stressed the basic 'attitudes of mind' a doctor should have. But, at the time when the western 'natural science' paradigm prevails, it seems to be difficult to educate such state of mind simply by 'understanding' it through books or media. It needs 'shift of concept' through the humane tools of education. Therefore, the present writer would like to consider the effects and influences of meditation as the tools to develop the virtues of oriental doctors, and to investigate the possibility that the virtues achieved by the meditation is the same one as mentioned in many oriental medical classics(not only the attitude for the patients, but also the state of mind a doctor should have during the diagnosis and treatment process).