• 제목/요약/키워드: Buddhist Books

검색결과 46건 처리시간 0.021초

보광사 고려시대 관음보살좌상(觀音菩薩坐像) 복장(腹藏) 저고리의 특성 (Characteristics of Jeogori Found in the Gwan-eum Bodhisattva Statue in Bogwang Temple of Goryeo Dynasty)

  • 박윤미
    • 복식
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    • 제59권10호
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    • pp.1-9
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    • 2009
  • One piece of Jeogori and several books of the Goryeo dynasty were found inside of the wooden Buddhist Goddess of Mercy Statue of the Bogwang temple and they were designated as national treasure of Korea, No. 1571. The jeogori was the Jeogsam as the kind of underwear and conjectured as for women by considering its size. The collar of the jeogori was 3cm-wide square-shaped collar without gussit and the sleeve was close to straight line. Also the jeogori was designed without breast ties and could be adjusted by knot button. The fabrics for the jeogori showed similar pattern as complex silk gauze in 1302. It has not been reported yet that the complex silk gauze was used for the Jeogsam from Goryeo Dynasty to Joseon Dynasty. Comparing the Jeogori of the Bogwang temple to those of Goryeo Dynasty, it can be appropriately estimated as the remains of the Goryeo Dynasty since its shape and materials are very similar to those found in the Jeogori's of the Goryeo Dynasty and it was found between the books of the Goryeo Dynasty inside of the knee part of the wooden Buddhist Goddess of Mercy Statue of the Bogwang temple. Although only one piece of Jeogori was found, it's importance in cultural value or in the study of the fabric history cannot be underestimated considering the fact that the Jeogories of the Goryeo Dynasty are scarce, and that the used fabric was not commonly used complex silk gauze, and especially that this Jeogori is the only existing Jeogsam made of complex silk gauze.

소주(蘇州) 서광사탑(瑞光寺塔) 출토(出土) 북송초기(北宋初期)의 불교문헌(佛敎文獻) 연구(硏究) (A Study on the Early North Sung Period Buddhist Literatures Found in the Pagoda of Suzhou Ruiguangsi)

  • 송일기
    • 한국도서관정보학회지
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    • 제45권1호
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    • pp.81-102
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    • 2014
  • 이 논문은 지난 1978년 서광탑의 수리를 위한 조사과정에서 3층 탑심부의 천궁에서 다량의 불교문화재를 수습하였다. 당시 수습한 문화재에는 당대에서 북송초기에 조성된 귀중한 불교문헌 123점이 포함되어 있다. 소주 서광사는 적조(赤鳥) 4(241)년에 오나라 첫 번째 왕이었던 손권(孫權)이 강거국에서 온 승려 성강(性康)을 맞이하기 위해서 세워진 사찰이며, 창건 당시에는 보제선원(普濟禪院)으로 부르다가 북송 초기 원희 연간에 와서 대대적으로 중창하고 지금의 서광사(瑞光寺)로 개명하였다. 서광탑은 서광사가 완공된 직후인 적조(赤鳥) 10(247)년에 손권이 모친의 극락왕생과 국태민안을 기원하기 위해 사찰 내에 13층탑을 세웠으며, 이후 오랜 세월이 지나 이 탑이 크게 파손되어 천희(天禧) 1 (1017)년에 새로 중건하고 이름을 다보탑(多寶塔)이라 하였다. 서광탑에서 출토된 불교문헌은 크게 다라니류 3건 107점과 전적류 5종 16권 등 모두 123점으로 파악되었다. 특히 전적류 가운데 법화경사경은 당대에 감지에 금자로 조성된 것으로 전 7권이 비교적 완전한 상태이며, 동아시아 국가에 현존하는 감지금자사경 가운데 최선본으로 평가할 만하다. 또한 북송초기에 간행된 목판본이 6권이나 완전한 상태로 발견되었다. 그동안 일본학자 나가자와(長澤)가 이와 동일본인 중촌본(中村本)을 초당본(初唐本)으로 잘 못 소개한 이후 모든 개설서에 그대로 반영하고 있는데, 이 연구를 통해 오류를 수정할 계기가 되었다는 점이 의미가 있다.

17~19세기 김룡사의 불사(佛事) 관련 기록물 현황과 영건(營建)활동 (A Study on the Architectural Document and Constructions of Gimlyong-sa(金龍寺) in 17~19th Century)

  • 도윤수;한동수
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제22권5호
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    • pp.7-22
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    • 2013
  • Gimlyong-sa temple has played an important role of Buddhist culture in Gyeongsangdo Provinces(嶺南地域) in the late Joseon Dynasty as the 31st head temple(本山) in the Japanese occupation. There are lots of architectural documentary records remained nevertheless, most of cultural heritages are destroyed by fire in 1997. There were 85 articles in five kinds of books which contained historical achievements of Gimlyong-sa temple and hermitages(Daeseongam(大成庵), Hwajangam(華藏庵), Yangjinam(養眞庵), Geum seondae(金仙臺), Dosoram(兜率庵), Myeongjeogam(明寂庵)). It is possible to understand the five situational peculiarities in the 17~19th century. At the first, they were compiled in 1914 to around 1930 by Kwon Sangro(權相老) to clarify the historical facts. Second, confirmed the formation process of the foundation narrative. Third, the meaning of Seolseondang(設禪堂), Manseru(萬歲樓) and Hyangnojeon(香爐殿) were recorded, it is possible to look at the concept of people at that time. Fourth, the great masters portraits were enshrined in hermitages, not in Gimlyong-sa temple. It means that a hermitage is not for only self-discipline or living but assembly of religious orders(門派). Fifth, Chimgye(枕溪), the great Buddhist clergy and carpenter of Gimlyong-sa, was nationwide active worker in 19th century because he was also in a charge of investment manager for construction.

19세기 말~20세기 초 불화에 보이는 민화적 요소와 수용배경에 대한 고찰 -16나한도를 중심으로- (A study on the factors of Minhwa(民畵) and accepted background that are appeared at Buddhist paintings from late 19th to early 20th century - focused on Sixteen Lohans painting -)

  • 신은미
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제37권
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    • pp.121-150
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    • 2004
  • 일반적으로 산수표현을 많이 하는 불화 장르로는 십육나한도를 비롯하여 팔상도, 감로도, 관음보살도 등과 조선후기에 특히 많이 조성된 독성도나 산신도 등을 들 수 있다. 이들 불화는 대체로 산수를 비롯하여 다양한 배경을 갖추고 있는데, 18세기 이후 수묵적 전통이 남아있는 경우도 있지만 화려한 채색과 산수를 비롯한 다양한 경물의 표현으로 복잡해지는 경향이 강해지며, 19세기에는 흔히 말하는 민화적 요소가 등장하여 시대적인 경향을 보여 준다. 19세기 말~20세기 초에 제작된 16나한도는 이러한 경향 중에서도 배경묘사에 있어서 전통적인 요소도 있지만 그보다는 채색이나 제재면에서 시대적인 예술경향을 반영하는 민화적인 배경이 가장 다양하고 뚜렷하게 부각되어 배경표현의 주된 요소가 된다는 점에서 다른 불화와 차별된다. 즉 조선후기 16나한도에는 당시 유행하던 민화풍과 궁중화풍 등에서 보이던 청록산수식의 배경묘사가 두드러지며 십장생(十長生) 운룡(雲龍) 맹호(猛虎) 괴석(怪石) 화조(花鳥) 책가(冊架) 등과 같은 새로운 배경표현이 등장하여 폭넓은 수용 태도를 보여준다. 대체로 제재면에서는 수명장수, 부귀, 기복과 관련된 길상 상징물이 압도적으로 많음을 알 수 있는데, 이는 조선시대 서민불교로의 전환이라는 불교계의 동향, 특히 도교와 민간신앙과의 습합이라는 불교계의 자구적 모색과 밀접한 관련을 갖고 있다. 이는 16나한도나 당시 불화에 표현된 다양한 도교인물들의 모습을 통해서 엿볼 수 있다. 주로 19세기 말~20세기 초에 제작된 16나한도에 정형화된 양식의 민화풍이 등장한다는 것은 현존 민화의 제작연대를 추론하는 하나의 단서를 제공해 줄 것으로 생각하며, 불화승들이 민간의 수요와 요청에 의해 민화의 작가로 제작에 적극적으로 참여하였을 가능성을 시사하고 있다. 조선후기 불화에서의 민화적 요소의 고찰은 그 제재나 형태상의 유사점에서 출발했지만, 극단적인 희화화라든가 파격미 등은 보이지 않는다. 오히려 궁중의 장식그림과 유사한 양식의 표현이 많다는 점은 종교화로서의 기능을 갖추고 있는 불화라서 가능했던 것으로 생각한다.

"고려대장경"의 저본과 판각에 관한 연구 (A Study on the bottom book of the 'Tripitaka Koreana'(高麗大藏經) and its carried book)

  • 유부현
    • 한국도서관정보학회지
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    • 제32권3호
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    • pp.117-147
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    • 2001
  • 본고는 $\boxDr$高麗大藏經$\boxUl$의 저본과 판각의 성격을 구명하기 위한 것이다. 그 결과 첫째 51권에 달하는 湖林博物館에 收藏된 $\boxDr$初雕大藏經$\boxUl$과 이에 해당되는 $\boxDr$新雕大藏經$\boxUl$ 즉 再雕大藏經은 $\boxDr$開寶藏$\boxUl$의 覆刻本 또는 修訂覆刻本인 것으로 구명되었다. 둘째 守基法師가 $\boxDr$신조대장경$\boxUl$을 교감하여 조조할 때에 이용한 底本과 對校本에 대해 그 대략적인 것을 도출하였다. 즉 수기법사는 國本.丹本.宋本 가운데 대부분 宋本을 제1차적인 저본으로 삼은 다음 이 宋本을 國本.丹本과 대교하고, 國本.丹本 등에 의거해서 宋本을 교감하여 수정하였다. 아울러 이 수정된 송본은 바로 $\boxDr$신조대장경$\boxUl$을 간행함에 있어 그 板刻의 저본 즉 登梓本으로 사용되었다. 그리고 宋本에 없거나 중대한 결함이 있는 經典은 國本이나 丹本 등을 제2차적인 저본으로 삼아 이를 수정하여 登梓本으로 삼아 판각을 하거나, 새로 등재본을 마련해서 판각한 다음 $\boxDr$신조대장경$\boxUl$에 編入시키거나 代替시켰던 것으로 파악되었다.

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Opinions on the Turks' Turkic Translation Activities in the Period of Taspar Qagan

  • YILDIRIM, KURSAT
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • 제3권2호
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    • pp.151-160
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    • 2018
  • There is a variety of opinions about the first translation activities within the Turkic Empire. It is widely believed that some Buddhist sutras were translated into the Turkic language in the period of Taspar Qagan (572-581). This theory is based on certain arguments: Some Turks practiced Buddhism, Buddhist monks translated sutras in the center of the Turkic Empire, Taspar brought sutras from China and had them translated, and the monarch of Northern Qi had a sutra translated and sent to Taspar. However, in my opinion, these arguments lack credibility. This article, which is based on primary Chinese sources, will question the likelihood of such translation activities having occurred. Some Chinese records for these claims exist: Da Tang Nei Dian Lu (大唐內典錄) and Xu Gao Seng Chuan (續高僧傳) by the Buddhist monk Jinagupta and the records of Hui Lin in Sui Shu (隋書) and Wen Xian Tong Kao (文獻通考). These are known as "primary sources." Secondary sources, namely contemporary history and language studies, such as those in books and articles, must be based on primary sources. It can be seen that claims relating to the first Turkic translation activities at the time of Taspar are mainly derived from secondary sources, and that the arguments in these secondary sources vary. Sometimes researchers make suppositions on the existence of information that is not referred to in primary sources. However, this is not normal practice. If a researcher relies on unknowns for the evidence of information existing, it can cause false information, ideas and anachronisms to be created. It is important that primary sources, such as the Chinese sources mentioned above, be translated correctly in language and history studies. If only a word is mistranslated, very different results may occur. Mistranslating or misinterpreting a primary source allows conclusions to be reached that are not supported by dissemination of information from primary sources. This can mislead experts and result in information that is not correct being considered as being true. As well as helping to prevent such misinterpretations occurring, another aim of this paper is to question the interpretations of the first Turkic translations in contemporary studies on history and language. The origin of such assessments will be explored and the validity of that information will be examined.

몽산 덕이와 고려 인물들과의 교류

  • 남권희
    • 한국도서관정보학회지
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    • 제21권
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    • pp.363-399
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    • 1994
  • This article aims at bibliographical analysis of the and historical research of Buddhism in the period of king ChungYeul. The analysis is made in the respects of: 1) physical form 2) historical aspect of the Zen Buddhism in the latter period of Koryo Dynasty 3) related persons who corresponded with Mongsan First, this books is consist of 56 records about tripitaka, biography of Mongsan, poets of Zen Buddhism, and abstracts of Buddhist books. Secondly, the new trends of Buddhism in the 13th century was influenced by Mongsan Son(contemplate school, zen). He was corresponded with some political persons and the elite class of Koryo Buddhism. Because of these meetings, LimJae Son were adopted main stream of zen Buddism in Koryo Dynasty by Mongsan and his accompanies. Thirdly, these political groups want to meet Mongsan and his teaching about zen Buddism, but he suggest three questions to the gourp instead of meeting. And he explained 10 kinds of methods to study zen Buddism comparing visited ten persons with ten pinetrees. In the Koryo Dynasty, Buddism was very inportant in history of throughts and social functions. But there had been little research on Mongsan who afford theoretical base on zen Buddism in Chosun Dynasty. On the point of the relation to Koryo and Yuan dynasty in zen Buddism. The is a new and important records that afford some solutions of religious branch and trends in early periods of Chosun Dynasty.

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고려말에서 조선중기까지의 구결자료에 관한 서지학적 연구 (A bibliographical study of the 'kukyeul system' in Korean language from Koryo to Chosun dynasty)

  • 남권희
    • 한국도서관정보학회지
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    • 제27권
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    • pp.485-572
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    • 1997
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the textual and physical bibliography of these books that were printed from Koryo to Chosun Dynasty and written by the Kukyul system. This study is concerned with the Kukyul written in the transformed Chinese characters which representing their sino-Korean sound values only. The Kukyul is the Korean function word inserted to a written Chinese sentence for an easier understanding of the meaning by the Koreans. Until the present, most of these studies on the Kukyul are mainly concerned with the Korean linguistic characters. But this mentions to present the basic bibliographical information in order to presume the written period of the Kukyul system. 2The analysis of each book is made in the respect of: 1) historical aspect of the book 2) physical form and publishing date 3) transcription period of the Kukyul 4) the category of presenting Kukyul 5) historical change of transcribing Kukyul system The results of the study are as follows : First, the Kukyul system was divided into Sokdok and Sundok Kukyul according to the translation and recording format. Second, the Sokdok Kukyul is a kind of writing system for translated Chinese into Korean. Third, the Sundok Kukyul was frequently used Buddhist publications from later Koryo Dynasty to Middle Chosun period. Fourth, through the analysis of physical bibliography for that books, we rearrange the chronological oder of Sokdok Kukyul system as Hwaum-kyung, Hwaum-kyungSo, Kumkwngmyu ngkyung, Kuyeukinwang-kyung, Yukasajiron. Fifth, the characters of Sundok Kukyul systems were gradually decreased from eighty numbers to fifty numbers. This change is caused by the unification trends of sound value in morphological aspect.

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몽산(蒙山) 덕이(德異)의 『몽산화상육도보설(蒙山和尙六道普說)』 판본고(板本考) (A Study on the Publication of Liudao Pushuo, One of Mengshan De-yi's Works)

  • 송일기;김은진
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제45권3호
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    • pp.207-233
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    • 2011
  • 이 연구는 중국의 송 원대 임제종(臨濟宗) 양기파(楊岐派)의 승려인 몽산(蒙山) 덕이(德異)의 저술 "몽산화상육도보설(蒙山和尙六道普說)"의 간행 현황을 파악하고 현존(現存) 판본을 분석한 것이다. "육도보설"은 현재 중국에는 없으며 우리나라에만 존재하는 것으로 일체유심조(一切唯心造)의 입장에서 육도(六道)와 사성(四聖)을 더한 십계(十界)를 내용으로한 설법집이다. 조사 결과 전국 주요 사찰에서 개판된 판본은 모두 22종이 현전하고 있는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 또한 22종을 대상으로 형태 분석과 행자수를 바탕으로 계통 분석을 시도한 결과 절첩장본을 제외하고 모두 사주단변, 10종은 흑구와 내향흑어미가 쌍으로 나타나는 조선 전기의 전형적인 판식을 보이고 있었으며 계통 분석에서는 13자본계가 주류를 이루고 있었다. 시기 및 지역 분석에서는 15세기에서 16세기에 전라, 충청 지역을 중심으로 집중 간행된 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 이 책은 고려 말에 우리나라에 전래된 이래 조선시대 15세기에서 16세기 사이에 활발히 간행된 현상을 보이고 있어 이 시기에 몽산의 선사상이 우리 불교계에 끼친 영향을 짐작해 볼 수 있다.

한국(韓國) 종교복식(宗敎服飾)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) - 불교(佛敎)와 도교복식(道敎服飾)을 중심(中心)으로 - (A Study on the Religious Costume in Korea - Buddhist and Taoist Costume -)

  • 임영자
    • 복식
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    • 제14권
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    • pp.63-73
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    • 1990
  • The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

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