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A Study on the Structure and the owners of the Royal Tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려왕릉의 구조 및 능주(陵主) 검토)

  • Lee, Sang June
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2012
  • There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

Assessment of Fire-Damaged Mortar using Color image Analysis (색도 이미지 분석을 이용한 화재 피해 모르타르의 손상 평가)

  • Park, Kwang-Min;Lee, Byung-Do;Yoo, Sung-Hun;Ham, Nam-Hyuk;Roh, Young-Sook
    • Journal of the Korea institute for structural maintenance and inspection
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    • v.23 no.3
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    • pp.83-91
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to assess a fire-damaged concrete structure using a digital camera and image processing software. To simulate it, mortar and paste samples of W/C=0.5(general strength) and 0.3(high strength) were put into an electric furnace and simulated from $100^{\circ}C$ to $1000^{\circ}C$. Here, the paste was processed into a powder to measure CIELAB chromaticity, and the samples were taken with a digital camera. The RGB chromaticity was measured by color intensity analyzer software. As a result, the residual compressive strength of W/C=0.5 and 0.3 was 87.2 % and 86.7 % at the heating temperature of $400^{\circ}C$. However there was a sudden decrease in strength at the temperature above $500^{\circ}C$, while the residual compressive strength of W/C=0.5 and 0.3 was 55.2 % and 51.9 % of residual strength. At the temperature $700^{\circ}C$ or higher, W/C=0.5 and W/C=0.3 show 26.3% and 27.8% of residual strength, so that the durability of the structure could not be secured. The results of $L^*a^*b$ color analysis show that $b^*$ increases rapidly after $700^{\circ}C$. It is analyzed that the intensity of yellow becomes strong after $700^{\circ}C$. Further, the RGB analysis found that the histogram kurtosis and frequency of Red and Green increases after $700^{\circ}C$. It is analyzed that number of Red and Green pixels are increased. Therefore, it is deemed possible to estimate the degree of damage by checking the change in yellow($b^*$ or R+G) when analyzing the chromaticity of the fire-damaged concrete structures.

An Examination on the Origin of Stone Pagodas of the Silla Kingdom (신라석탑(新羅石塔)의 시원(始源) 고찰(考察))

  • Nam, Si Jin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.2
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    • pp.154-169
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    • 2009
  • Korea is famous for a number of stone pagodas. In particular, it is noticeable that the stone pagodas came after wooden pagodas in all the Kingdoms of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. Since the advent of wooden pagodas, it was during the latter half period of Three Kingdoms(especially, in the early Seventh century) that the first stone pagoda appeared at Mireuksa Temple site in imitation of the wooden ones. Now that no one can deny that Korean stone pagodas have developed, imitating the wooden pagodas. It is also obvious that the Stone Pagoda at Mireuksa site is the prototype of Korean stone pagodas. However, this study casts doubt on the theory that the stone pagodas in the Silla Kingdom originated not from the wooden pagodas, but from the brick pagodas, whereas the stone pagodas in Baekje Kingdom which has been said to come from the wooden ones. The fact that the temples and pagodas in both Baekje and Silla were erected by the same builders and technicians is one of the evidences supporting the assertion of the study. This study, accordingly, examines on the origin of the Silla pagodas by supposing the two genealogies. The first one can be summarized in chronological order as follows: starting from wooden pagodas, Stone Pagoda at Mireuksa site, Stone Pagoda at Jungrimsa site, Stone Pagoda at Gameunsa site, and Stone Pagoda at Goseonsa site. The second one, on the other hand, runs as follows: starting from bick pagodas, Stone Pagoda at Bunhwangsa, Uiseong Tapri five-storied Stone Pagoda, Seonsan Jukjang-ri five-storied Stone Pagoda, and Seonsan Naksan-ri three-storied Stone Pagoda in order. As the above genealogies show, the origin of the stone pagodas has been an controversy, especially because of the two different points of view: the one is that the roof-supporting strata(Okgaesuk-Bachim) originated from the brick structure and the ancient tomb ceiling of Goguryeo Kingdom, and the other is that the strata is a sort of the simplified design of the wooden roof structure. This study, however, takes note of the difference in length of the strata between the brick pagodas and the stone pagodas; the former stretches out its strata longer than the latter. Consequently, the study points out that the roof-supporting strata of the stone pagodas is originally a sort of modification of the wooden roof structure.

The Structual Restoration on Gyeongju-Style Piled Stone-Type Wooden Chamber Tombs (경주식 적석목곽묘의 구조복원 재고)

  • Gweon, Yong Dae
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.3
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    • pp.66-87
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    • 2009
  • The definition of the structure of wooden chamber tomb(piled stone-type) is as follows. It is a tomb with wooden chamber, and stones were piled on top of the wooden chamber, and then a wooden structure was placed on top of the piled stones, and more stones were piled on top of the wooden structure, and sealed with clay. Of course this definition can vary according to periods, the buried, etc. Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs have some distinguished characteristics compared to general definition of piled stone type wooden chamber tombs. Outside the wooden chamber, either stone embankments or filled-in stones were layed out, and pilet-in stones are positioned right above the wooden chamber, and almost every class used this type, and finally, it is exclusively found in Gyeongju area. First generations of this Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs appeared in first half of 5th century. These tombs inherited characteristics like ground plan, wooden chamber, double chamber(inner chamber and outer chamber), piled stones, burial of the living with the dead, piled stones, from precedent wooden chamber tombs. However these tombs have explicit new characteristics which are not found in the precedent wooden chamber tombs such as stone embankments, wooden pillars, piled stones(above ground level), soil tumuluses. stone embankments and wooden pillars are exclusively found on great piled stone type above-ground level wooden chamber tombs such as the Hwangnamdaechong(皇南大塚). Stone embankments, wooden pillars, piled stones(above ground level) are all elements of building process of soil tumuluses. stone embankments support outer wall of above-ground level wooden chambers and disperse the weight of tumuluses. Wooden pillars functioned as auxiliary supports with wooden structures to prevent the collapse of stone embankments. Piled stones are consists of stones of regular size, placed on the wooden structure. And after the piled stones were sealed with clay, tumulus was built with soil. Piled stones are unique characteristics which reflects the environment of Gyeongju area. Piled stone type wooden chamber tombs are located on the vast and plain river basin of Hyeongsan river(兄山江). Which makes vast source of sands and pebbles. Therefore, tumulus of these tombs contains large amount of sands and are prone to collapse if soil tumulus was built directly on the wooden structure. Consequently, to maintain external shape of the tumulus and to prevent collapse of inner structure, piled stones and clay-sealing was made. In this way, they can prevent total collapse of the tombs even if the tumulus was washed away. The soil tumulus is a characteristic which emerges when a nation or political entity reaches certain growing stage. It can be said that after birth of a nation, growing stage follows and social structure will change, and a newly emerged ruling class starts building new tombs, instead of precedent wooden chamber tombs. In this process, soil tumulus was built and the size and structure of the tombs differ according to the ruling class. Ground plan, stone embankments, number of the persons buried alive with the dead, quantity and quality of artifacts reflect social status of the ruling class. In conclusion, Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs emerged with different characteristics from the precedent wooden chamber tombs when Shilla reached growing stage.

Investigation of Microbial Contamination in Semisulcospira libertine and Evaluation of Its Reduction Effects by Sediment Removal Treatment (다슬기(Semisulcospira libertine)의 미생물 오염도 평가 및 해감 제거공정에 따른 저감화 효과)

  • Choi, Man-Seok;Jun, Eun Bi;Choi, Seungho;Bang, Hyeon-Jo;Park, Shin Young
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.34 no.4
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    • pp.361-366
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    • 2019
  • In this study, microbial contamivation semisulcospira libertine and effect of sedimentation treatment of major bacterial and fungal pathogens were investigated. The total aerobic bacteria, coliforms, Escherichia coli, Staphylococcus aureus, and yeast and mold present in raw and water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine were enumerated using the standard plate count methods on using the standard plate method on potato dextrose agar (PDA), 3M Petrifilm for coliforms / E. coli, 3M Petrifilm for S. aureus, and plate count agar (PCA), respectively. In analysis of microbial contamination of raw Semisulcospira libertine, the total aerobic bacteria, coliforms, and yeast and mold were monitored as 6.40, 2.70, and $6.79{\log}_{10}CFU/g$, respectively. Both E. coli and S. aureus were not detected (detection limit: 10 CFU/g). However, Semisulcospira libertine dipped in ground water for 3 hours had higher contamination levels of all natural indigenous microorganisms than raw Semisulcospira libertine. Especially, E. coli was detected as $2.46{\log}_{10}CFU/g$ in the ground water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine. The total aerobic bacteria in the ground water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine was not significantly reduced (p>0.05) compared to that in the raw Semisulcospira libertine. Moreover, coliforms were significantly increased (p>0.05) in all water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine. Only fungi were slightly reduced (less than 0.2 log) (p>0.05) in the tap water-dipped Semisulcospira libertine by comparison with the raw Semisulcospira libertine. The results of this study suggest that the use of chemical sterilizing agents and other physical methods in the washing stage will be necessary for the microbial reduction in raw Semisulcospira libertine because the use of sediment removal treatment by ground or tap water did not affect the microbiological safety of the raw Semisulcospira libertine.

A Study on the Simcho of Wooden Pagodas in Baekjae (백제의 심초 및 사리봉안)

  • Jung, Ja Young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.1
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    • pp.109-125
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    • 2008
  • Recently, there has been an increase in excavation studies of wood pagodas from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Shilla periods and new data related to wood pagoda erection are being found bringing about progress in research on this field. In other words, studies on wooden pagodas in Korea were composed mainly of flat, axis construction techniques and sarijangeomgu, but by acquiring new data, it has now become possible to study not only the stylobate construction procedure and transition, but also studies on restoring wooden pagodas. Furthermore, pagoda sites similar to this were found in China and Japan as well, making it possible to make comparative studies among ancient wooden pagodas possible. In this paper, the main remains were set as Baekjae wooden pagodas, which were the most frequently studied and among the wooden pagodas, the simcho (central base stone) and sarira housing locations. In result, simcho can be found changing its position from underground ${\rightarrow}$ halfway underground ${\rightarrow}$ above ground. Baekjae wooden pagodas up until the mid sixth century located at Neungsan-ri saji (AD 567) and Wangheungsaji (AD 577) had its simcho located underground and later it was constructed halfway underground and then above ground. It was confirmed that in the 7th century, it became customary to place above ground as seen in the Jaeseoksaji (AD639) and Hwangnyongsaji (AD645) wooden pagoda sites. The sarira was usually located on the south side of the simcho, but gradually changed to the center. In particular, sarira were combined in the simcho in the mid sixth century at the Wangheungsaji. This is approximately 11 years earlier than the Bijosa (AD 588) simcho found in Japan and this was not found even in the simcho of wooden pagodas in Yeongnyeongsa (AD 516) and Jopaengseong temple (AD 535~561) of China showing that the Wangheungsaji simcho was the earliest of its kind.

Technological Diversities Observed in Bronze Objects of the Late Goryo Period - Case Study on the Bronze Bowls Excavated from the Burial Complex at Deobu-gol in Goyang - (고려 말 청동용기에 적용된 제작기술의 다양성 연구 - 고양 더부골 고분군 출토 청동용기를 중심으로 -)

  • Jeon, Ik Hwan;Lee, Jae Sung;Park, Jang Sik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.208-227
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    • 2013
  • Twenty-seven bronze bowls excavated from the Goryo burial complex at Deobu-gol were examined for their microstructure and chemical composition to characterize the bronze technology practiced by commoners at the time. Results showed that the objects examined can be classified into four groups: 1) objects forged out of Cu-near 22%Sn alloys and then quenched; 2) objects cast from Cu-below 10% Sn alloys containing lead; 3) objects cast from Cu-10%~20% Sn alloys containing lead and then quenched; 4) objects forged out of Cu-10~20% Sn alloys containing lead and then quenched. This study revealed that the fabrication technique as determined by alloy compositions plays an important role in bronze technology. The use of lead was clearly associated with the selection of quenching temperatures, the character of inclusions and the color characteristics of bronze surfaces. It was found that the objects containing lead were quenched at temperatures of $520^{\circ}{\sim}586^{\circ}C$ while those without lead were quenched at the range of $586^{\circ}{\sim}799^{\circ}C$. The presence of selenium in impurity inclusions was detected only in alloys containing lead, suggesting that the raw materials, Cu and Sn, used in making the lead-free alloys for the first group were carefully selected from those smelted using ores without lead contamination. Furthermore, the addition of lead was found to have significant effects on the color characteristics of the surface of bronze alloys when they are subjected to corrosion during interment. In leaded alloys, corrosion turns the surface light green or dark green while in unleaded alloys, corrosion turns the surface dark brown or black. It was found that in fabrication, the wall thickness of the bronze bowls varies depending on the application of quenching; most of the quenched objects have walls 1mm thick or below while those without quenching have walls 1mm thick or above. Fabrication techniques in bronze making usually reflect social environments of a community. It is likely that in the late Goryo period, experiencing lack of skilled bronze workers, the increased demand for bronze was met in two ways; by the use of chief lead instead of expensive tin and by the use of casting suitable for mass production. The above results show that the Goryo bronze workers tried to overcome such a resource-limited environment through technological innovations as apparent in the use of varying fabrication techniques for different alloys. Recently, numerous bronze objects are excavated and available for investigation. This study shows that with the use of proper analytical techniques they can serve as a valuable source of information required for the characterization of the associated technology as well as the social environment leading to the establishment of such technology.

A Study on the Sketch of Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple (수타사 삼신불괘불도(三身佛掛佛圖) 초본(草本) 연구)

  • Kim, Chang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.112-131
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    • 2009
  • The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

Reconsideration of the Meaning of Sam-Tai-Ji (삼태극의 의미고찰)

  • Kim, Myoung Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.4-15
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    • 2012
  • Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

Comparative Study on the Essence and Features of Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok Wonlim(園林) in Mt. Gyeryong (계룡산 갑사구곡과 용산구곡 원림의 실체 및 특성)

  • Rho, Jae Hyun;Kim, Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.1
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    • pp.52-71
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    • 2011
  • This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.