• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.12 no.10
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• pp.311-320
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the mediating effect of self-efficacy in the relationship between the leadership style of badminton life sports leaders and the performance of club members. A total of 600 badminton club members were invited to participate and 593 were selected for this study. For data analysis, mediating effects were verified through frequency analysis, exploratory factor analysis, reliability analysis, correlation analysis, multiple regression analysis, and hierarchical regression analysis. For result section, first, it was found that training instruction behavior, authoritative behavior, and social behavior, which are sub-factors of the leader leadership type, have a positive effect on performance(p<.05). Second, it was found that training instruction behavior, which is a sub-factor of leader leadership type, had a positive effect on self-efficacy(p<.01), and that authoritarian behavior had a negative effect on self-efficacy(p<.01). Third, the mediating effect of self-efficacy was found indirectly in the relationship between leader leadership and performance(p<.001). Based on these results, it is judged that it will be easier to build a more effective training system if the direction for the leadership and guidance type of life sports is set by reflecting the needs of the participants.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.195-229
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• 2018

This study has examined how the welfare system has changed as it has passed through the most controversial period in Korean modern history. The welfare system has changed in a way that adapts to the need for export-led economic growth. Industrialization centered on light industry, which started in the mid-1960s, absorbed the labor force that existed in the rural areas and commodified them, thereby creating a momentum for Korean society to get out of poverty. However, the public de-commodification, ie social security system, adapted to the commodification of the labor force has been institutionalized only in a very limited area and people. Indeed, the de-commodification system was confined to the area directly linked to the reproduction of the labor force. Even so, the target was very limited in the abundance of labor in rural areas. Compulsory medical insurance was rejected because of corporate burden, and industrial accidents insurance was introduced centering on large-scale workplaces. As the Korean economy began to move from the light industry to the heavy industry in the 1970s, the commodificated labor force changed from a low skilled labor force to a skilled male labor force. It is at this time that dual structures have begun to be created between workers employed in export-oriented large enterprises and workers employed in domestic-oriented SMEs. Therefore, the system of de-commodification that supports the reproduction of labor power in response to social risks has also been institutionalized centering on large-scale workplaces.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.7
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• pp.489-505
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• 2019

This study is about the impersonal behavior of the supervisor, which is the root cause of 'Workplace Harassment [bullying]', which becomes familiar to Korean workers. For the purpose of the study, characteristics of supervisors are classified into three situations such as personal situation (authoritarian propensity), organizational situation (job insecurity), and personal and organizational situation (self-defensive ambivalence). Then the effects of those propensities on the organizational commitment of their subordinating workers through abusive supervision were analyzed. To this end, separate surveys for team leader and team members were composed. The subjects were male and female workers in large enterprise in Korea. The major results of the study are as follows. First, the three predisposing factors related to the abusive supervision (authoritarianism, job insecurity, and self-defensive ambivalence) made positive (+) effects on the abusive supervision of the supervisor. Second, in the hypothesis 2 regarding the effects of the abusive supervision of the supervisor on the organizational commitment of the subordinates, it was found that the abusive supervision of the supervisor made negative (-) effects on the organizational commitment of the subordinates. Third, in the verification of the hypothesis 3 regarding the mediating effect of the abusive supervision, the three predisposing factors partially mediated the abusive supervision and made negative (-) effects on the organizational commitment of the subordinates.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.233-248
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• 2019

This study shows that the Argovian Cantonal School in Aarau, Switzerland, which Albert Einstein attended from 1895 to 1896, had been closely related to the ideological education controversy in German Gymnasium throughout the 19th century. Due to this controversy, Einstein hardly received a formal science education in Bavaria. Despite the lack of formal education in Germany, he had a habit of self-studying from an early age and continued with this practice all through his life. He had a hard time at the authoritarian school in Munich, but at the democratic school in Aarau, where freedom and autonomy were secured, he was able to achieve emotional stability. For a long time, the city Aarau prevailed as a location of tolerance and multi-culturalism, without religious, regional, and national discrimination. This was possible due to the influence of external and unrestricted social mobility, as well as the Enlightenment from France. As a result, this small public school was able to acquire a mass of qualified human resources from outside of Switzerland. As a consequence of the controversy regarding the educational ideology, the Cantonal School adopted practical thoughts and the Enlightenment that fit the spirit of the times. The school consisted of two independent educational organizations: the Gymnasium, where the 'neuhumanistsch' education for the elite training was conducted, and the 'Gewerbeschule', where a more realistic education system was set up to suit the citizen life. In particular, after 1835, the Gymnasium changed gradually from the pure humanistic education to the 'utraquistisch' ways by introducing practical subjects such as natural history. Thereafter, the Cantonal School became an institution that was able to achieve a genuine humanity, academic, and civic life education. Einstein, who attended the 'technische Abteilung' of the 'Gewerbeschule,' considered this school as a role model of an institution that realized true democracy, and that left an unforgettable impression on him.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.239-264
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• 2018

Chosun regime, when it replaced the predecessor of Koryo, had to create political ideological system for new integration of the people. The new system, based on Confucianism, replaced religious values of Buddhism with educational ones. In this educational-ideological system, educational objects were mostly limited in character education's. Its goal was 'restoration of good nature'. For the principal agent of educational process, teacher had the initiative. These traits of educational system can be understood as an 'nature-unfolding perspective' or 'formal discipline perspective'. Moreover, the idea of 'teacher shall be served like prince' seems to be ground of political authoritarianism. In this respects, political traits of traditional education system can be restraining elements for developing independent individuality and free citizenship among Korean people. However, traditional teacher was not only authoritarian trainer. As 'a follower of truth and good', he was equal to his disciples. Teacher learned by teaching them. Students could be colleagues of their teacher. And the main traits of traditional education, focusing character development and community consciousness, are still important, in particular, to modern Korean educational and societal environment wanting in humane and participating citizenship.

• 한국노년학
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.309-328
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to develop a perceived elderly stigma scale for intergenerational research and practice. Although negative stereotypes on elderly population have worsened physical and psychological health of older people, there has been a lack of systematic efforts to measure and monitor stigmatic perception and behavior of younger generation on elderly people. We initially constructed a 34-item perceived elderly stigma scale, by integrating the processes of literature review and exploratory item generation. After confirming the face validity of the scale, a 31-item perceived elderly stigma scale was tested with 252 adults recruited from an online research panel. The result of an exploratory factor analysis suggests a 5-factor solution with 28 items: ability, personality, appearance, authoritarian dependancy, and family-obsession. The convergent/discriminant validity was confirmed by examining its relationships with ageism, elderly discrimination, attitude toward elderly, and respect for elderly. After a series of refinement and empirical tests, the perceived elderly stigma scale would contribute to understanding the current state of elderly discrimination in our society and to develop necessary policies and promotion strategies to eliminate intergenerational conflicts.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.85-92
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• 2022

In order to identify the factors and problems in which military sexual violence is a continuous and repeated blind spot, this study conducted a content analysis focusing on articles of military sexual violence incidents covered in Internet news from January 2010 to June 15, 2021. carried out. As a result of the study, structurally unequal power relations, authoritarian and closed military organizational culture, internal military response system that is distrustful of passive responses to sexual violence, and enveloping family-friendly investigations and tolerant punishment of perpetrators are blind spots despite the Ministry of National Defense's efforts to improve. factors that exist. Underlying this, the compensatory spirit caused by the conscription system and the negative effects of the patriarchal system are embodied in the national sentiment, suggesting that the sense of crisis of division and an overly permissive attitude toward the military act as a factor that slows change. As an improvement plan according to the results, it is necessary to entail the establishment of a civilian-centered judicial institution, strong punishment of perpetrators, and limited pension payment, as well as honorable punishment such as 'class demotion' in the military culture with a clear hierarchical relationship. Taken together, we can see that most military sexual violence is caused by a hierarchy, and it strongly suggests that the main cause of sexual violence is unequal power relations.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.477-498
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• 2010

The Reasons which Rose Revolution, Orange Revolution, and Lemon Revolution had been much argued in international society are as follows: Firstly, the important fact was that authoritarian governments in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan were collapsed not by physical violences and military forces, but by unblooded civil movements, so called Civil Revolution. And it is also called as Colorful Revolution. Secondly, during the advance of three Civil Revolution, hegemony conflicts between Russia and western powers including US appeared. In fact, tensions between the two countries, Russia and US had already occurred in Post-soviet region after dissolution of Soviet Union. Thirdly, as a result of three Civil Revolution, there were built up fullest attentions in international societies about the possibilities of other civil revolutions, that is to say, 'Colorful Revolution' among the countries which were the republics of former USSR. In this respect, in this investigation of Lemon Revolution in Kyrgyzstan as like Rose Revolution in Georgia and Orange Revolution in Ukraine, this article examined the roles and supports toward NGOs of Western powers including US. To my opinion, it is likely that NGOs, with powerful sponsors, become political bodies working through networks and media rather than being rooted in civil society and acting on behalf of citizens. And that powerful sponsors, directly or indirectly financed by outside governments, become involved in political activities. So NGOs have been important roles in promoting civil revolution as political agencies and more political instruments of foreign governments. In the long run, through the Colorful Revolution, it is better to understand that hegemony struggle is beginning between external concerned superpowers including US and Russia, rather than hegemony struggle having directly broke out.