• English Language & Literature Teaching
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.19-34
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• 2005

Hypertext raises question to general assumptions about our conventional conceptions of education. In this essay, three kinds of learning-models are presented by the application of "writing" hypertext literature to the English education of the elementary school. These models, which I call the "scene-centered" system, give knowledge to learners in non-linear, non-sequential structure. The term "scene" is a single concept or idea composed of a single sub-text, which is to be made by the group of students. This system is focused on the collaborative composition of students. Students, by generating sub-texts and connecting texts, perform the educational activities to expand the source text. The "scene-centered" system is, to put it into a Barte's term, a "writerly text." But in order to "write," "reading" should be accompanied. So, this system is a learning model in which writing and reading are carried on simultaneously. In all the process, students play a role of multi-user, with three access rights: read, write, and annotate. So, students making use of hypertext systems will act as reader-authors. And teachers will take the new role in collaborative writing environment. No longer the central authoritarian evaluator, they will become consultants, co-writers, coaches of their students.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.44-58
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• 2017

Scholars have long debated the factors that drive political participation and have recently applied theories, developed from analyses of citizens from Europe and the United States, to respondents in the democratizing countries of Asia. In both Hong Kong and Singapore, however, citizens attend rallies and contact officials - yet do so under authoritarian governance. Are the causes of political participation in these cities similar to what is observed in other groups of respondents across Asia? Or, do institutions influence whether individuals participate? In this paper, I evaluate the development of liberal norms of engagement in both cities as a function of traditional models of participation. As citizens in these cities possess some of the highest standards of living in the region, they should also face frustrations with the limited democratic accountability of their leaders. Ultimately, individuals in each city have developed support for democracy but, given the differing goals of each regime, the nature of democratic engagement differs considerably. In Singapore, citizens are mobilized to engage and participate but support the status quo. By contrast, engaged Hong Kong residents participate out of a frustration with the government, a function of their high levels of internal efficacy and institutional detachment.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• no.5
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• pp.17-23
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• 1995

Placing itself in position of spectators, museum should be able to explain to them what meaning the medium of exhibi-tion has and what role it has to paly. For that, it is an indispensable process to plan an archite-ctural environment and exhibition presentation suitable to the exhibition which are main objects of museum, but as a result of its being reglected by this time, it has been recog-nized as a tigid and formal place closed and estranged from the general public. The authoritarian aspect of museum resulted from its sys-tem negative to the people of our country, while its services have been developed as a place in which one understand a country most quicky. Recently, however, as a movement of participating in the newly changing general trend, the contest of design of the new National Museum was announced publicaly worldwide introducing the Museografia method of planning exhibition presentation after thorough analysis of exhibition, which made it known that an importance is intensely put on the en-vironment of relics and their exhibition. The purpose of the study is to analogize the planning prin-ciple of the interior design of the exhibition room of sculp-tures, placing emphasis on the exhibition presentation intro-ducing Museografia as a way of examining the problems and solving them concerning the existing standardized uni-form method of displaying exhibition. The way of conducting the study are as follows.

• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.627-635
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to compare the job stress, job satisfaction, turnover intention, and job performance feelings of radiological technologists, physical therapists, and medical laboratory technologists working at university hospitals and general hospitals. The subjects were 114 general practitioners and 217 university hospital workers who are engaged in occupations of radiological technologists, physical therapists, and medical laboratory technologists in the age groups 20-50 years living in Incheon Metropolitan City. Data collection was conducted from April 1, 2017 to April 30, and data analysis was performed using the SPSS/WIN 23 statistical program. There were statistically significant difference in the job stress of medical technician by age, marriage, occupation, hospital size, position, parenting form, employment type, and lunch break. Job stress by occupation was highest in medical laboratory technologists, followed by radiological technologists and physical therapists. Job satisfaction was the highest among physical therapists. followed by radiological technologists and medical laboratory technologists. There were significant differences in age, occupation, parenting form, type of employment, and lunch break according to demographic characteristics. In order to reduce the job stress and job satisfaction of the medical technician working at the hospital, the development of the job environment should be sought and the hospital should also be removed from the authoritarian management system.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.147-175
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• 2018

Under authoritarian regimes, citizen-led NGOs such as environmental NGOs (ENGOs) often operate under close scrutiny of the government. While this presents a challenge to a single ENGO, we propose here - in line with existing research on network effects - that there are opportunities for multiple ENGOs to coordinate and thus work in ways that supersede government controls, affect public opinion, and contribute to policy revision and/or creation. In this paper, we specifically examine the possibility that the gamut of citizen-based ENGOs in China are coordinating. Based on network analysis of ENGOs web pages as well as interviews with more than a dozen ENGO leaders between 2014 and 2016, we find that ENGOs have few direct and public connections to each other, but social media sites and personal connections offline provide a crucial function in creating bridges. A closer examination of these bridges reveals, however, that they can be substantive to the environmental discussion or functional to the dissemination of web page information but typically not both. In short, ENGOs in China are not directly connected but rather are connected in a way that responds to the available social media and the government's censorship practices.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.85-117
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• 2018

This paper discusses the development of labor law in Indonesia after the 1998 reformasi. The end of the authoritarian regime and the subsequent introduction of democratic institutions in the country have opened up new spaces to restructure labor relations. The government promulgated a set of new labor laws that has brought tremendous changes to the employment system and the system of labor disputes settlement. In the face of the challenges these changes have created, labor unions are using alternative means to defend their members' interests. This paper shows how labor law reform has set a new social contract between the government, employer associations, and the labor movement.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.121-144
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• 2018

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.39-66
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• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.201-227
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine how France became a representative country for far-right European populism, despite its tradition of tolerance. To achieve this goal, we examine, first, how the concept of tolerance developed in France after the 16th century. Through this process, we find that within the political system, the tolerance of the liberal tradition met with universalism, a republican value, and developed into an 'institutional tolerance' that allowed 'differences' from an authoritarian perspective rather than on an equal level. This 'assimilation' policy, reflecting a 'patriarchal' and 'oppressive' institutional tolerance, formed the keynote of the immigration policy of the 20th century, which continued until the 1980s, and shows that the French government did not take practical steps for the social integration of immigrant groups under the republican universal value that does not allow 'differences.' The government came up with an 'integration' immigration policy that embraces cultural 'differences' only after encountering problems with immigrant groups. However, this was not enough to calm the antipathy towards immigrants in French society and the discontent of immigrants in French society. Also, universalism, a republican value with deep roots in France, prevented the French immigration policy from escaping its assimilationist nature even in the 21st century. In the midst of this, far-right parties have gained power by promoting xenophobic sentiments centered on immigration problems. Finally, this study also looks at how far-right populism is currently changing the French political environment.

• Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.9-18
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• 2022

In today's civilization, it can be impossible to prevent disasters that cause large-scale human and material harm, and the environmental industry is not excepted from this. Over the last 50 years, several large and small environmental health catastrophes have occurred in Korea. Notable instances include the phenol pollution accident in the Nakdong River, the Hebei Spirit oil spill in Taean, Chungcheongnam-do, and the humidifier disinfectant disaster. Looking at these instances, it is clear that the government failed to prevent similar incidents and accidents after the tragedies. The government created and executed different policies to prevent such incidents and accidents, but the majority of them were highly fragmented. It is understandable that depending on the political and social level of the society in which the environmental health hazard incident/accident happened, the investigation of the cause, countermeasures, and policy reaction may differ. To put it another way, the more authoritarian and non-democratic a political social system is, the more likely it is to cover up occurrences and accidents without a deep examination. This is in line with the members of society's level of political awareness and acknowledgment of the importance of life and safety. In 1985, when the Onsan pollution disease was discovered, and in 2011, when we recognized the realities of the humidifier disinfectant disaster, South Korea's political and social systems were entirely different.