• 한국토양비료학회지
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.103-134
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• 1977

밭 작물에 대(對)한 칼리의 생리(生理) 및 생화학적(生化學的) 역할(役割)을 최근(最近) 연구결과(硏究結果)를 중심(中心)으로 검토(檢討)하였으며 우리나라 밭 작물(作物)의 가리영양(加里營養) 현황(現況)을 살펴봤다. 칼리이온의 물리화학적(物理化學的) 특성(特性)은 Na에 의(依)하여 완전(完全) 대체(代替) 불가능(不可能)함을 보이며 대부분(大部分)의 작물(作物)에서 Na의 K대체(代替)는 불가피(不可避)한 대체기능(代替機能)에 대(對)한 부분적(部分的) 대체(代替)에 불과(不過)한 것 같다. 칼리의 특이성(特異性)은 엽록체(葉綠體) thylacoid막(膜)과 같은 미세구조(微細構造)를 효율적(效率的) 구조(構造)로 유지(維持)하며 주(主)로 탄수화물(炭水化物)과 단백질(蛋白質) 대사(代謝)에 관계(關係)하는 제효소(諸酵素)들의 allosteric effector로, 효율적(效率的) conformation의 유지자(維持者)로 작용(作用)하는 것으로 보였다. 광인산화(光燐酸化) 반응(反應)과 산화적(酸化的) 인산반응(燐酸反應) 등(等) energy 대사(代謝)에 필수적(必須的) 존재(存在)로서 유기물(有機物)의 합성(合成)과 전류등(轉流等) 광범(廣範)한 energy 의존(依存) 생리작용(生理作用)에 관여(關與)하고 있다. 칼리는 삼투압(渗透壓) 및 교질(膠質)의 가수도(加水度)를 유지(維持)하여 수분흡수(水分吸收) 및 전류(轉流)의 동인(動因)으로 작용(作用)하여 생리작용(生理作用)의 최적환경(最適環境)을 만들며 수분효율(水分效率)을 높인다. 칼리는 무기양분(無機養分)의 흡수(吸收)와 체내분포(體內分布)에 영향(影響)을 주고 생산물의 품질향상(品質向上)에도 영향을 주며 생산품의 K함량자체(含量自體)가 인체(人體)에서의 K의 중요성(重要性)으로 품질평가(品質評價)의 기준(基準)이 될 것 같다. 칼리의 흡수(吸收)는 저온(低溫)에 의(依)해 크게 저해(沮害)받으며 내부(內部) 칼리 함량에 의(依)한 부(否)의 feedback기작(機作)이 있어서 칼리의 사치흡수는 재평가(再評價)되어야 할 것으로 보였다. 우리나라 토양(土壤)의 전가리(全加里)는 약(約) 3%이나 치환성(置換性)은 0.3me/100g으로 동해(凍害), 한해(寒害)와 불균일(不均一)한 강우(降雨)로 인(因)한 습해(濕害), 한해(旱害) 등(等)으로 모든 밭 작물(作物)에서 요구도(要求度)가 컸다. 대맥(大麥)은 결빙직전(結氷直前) 및 해빙(解氷) 직후(直後)의 K영양(營養)이 수량(收量)과 유의성(有意性) 상관(相關)을 보이며 곡실(穀實)로 많이 전류(轉流)되는 것이 좋았다. 대맥(大麥)의 가리이용률(加里利用率)은 27%, 대두(大豆)는 숙전(熟田)에서 58% 개간지(開墾地)에서 46%였다. 대두(大豆)는 야산(野山) 개발지(開發地)에서 특(特)히 가리(加里) 결핍증상(缺乏症狀)을 많이 보였으며 화아분화기(花芽分花期)에 엽(葉) 중(中) $K_2O$ 2% 이상(以上) K/(Ca+Mg) (함량비(含量比))비(比)는 1.0 이상(以上)이어야 할 것 같다. 고구마는 가리흡수력(加里吸收力)이 커서 후작(後作)의 K영양(營養)에 크게 영향(影響)을 주었다. 감자와 옥수수는 Ca와 Mg에 비(比)해 K가 특히 높았다. 가리결핍(加里缺乏) 고구마는 뿌리에서 K농도 차이가 가장 컸다. 당근, 가지, 배추, 고추, 무우, 도마도가 가리(加里) 함량(含量)이 많았으며 배추 수량(收量)은 가리(加里)와 정상관(正相關)이었다. 사료작물(飼料作物)의 가리(加里) 함량(含量)은 비교적(比較的) 높은 편이었으며 식물체(植物體) 중(中) N, P, Ca와 유의정상관(有意正相關)을 보였다. 과수원(果樹園)의 16~25%가 가리(加里) 부족(不足)으로 나타났으며 우량(優良) 사과밭과 배밭의 토양(土壤)과 엽(葉)은 가리(加里) 함량(含量)이 높았다. 뽕나무의 동해(凍害)에 의(依)한 가지 끝 고사방지(枯死防止)를 위(爲)한 엽(葉) 중(中) $K_2O/(CaO+MgO)$ 임계치(臨界値)는 0.95이었다. 밭 작물재배(作物栽培) 뒤의 토양(土壤) 중(中) 가리(加里)는 전작(前作)에 따라 증가(增加)되는 경우와 감소(減少)되는 경우가 있으며 가리(加里) 흡수(吸收)는 토양수분(土壤水分)에 존재(依存)하는 것 같다. 따라서 토양(土壤) 중(中)의 전가리(全加里)를 포함한 형태별(形態別) 가리(加里) 함량(含量)의 토질(土質), 기상(氣象), 작부체계(作付體系) 등(等) 제요인(諸要因)과 관련(關聯) 장기적(長期的)이고 정량적(定量的)인 조사(調査)가 필요(必要)하다. 가리(加里)의 추비(追肥), 심층시비(深層施肥) 또는 완용성(緩溶性) 비료(肥料)와 입상비료(粒狀肥料) 등(等)이 강우양상(降雨樣相)과 관련(關聯) 검토(檢討)됨으로써 K흡수(吸收) 및 효율(效率)을 증진(增進)시킬 수 있을 것 같다. 가리영양(加里營養)을 포함하여 밭 작물(作物)의 영양해석(營養解析)에는 다요인분석(多要因分析)에 의(依)한 합리적(合理的)이고 실용적(實用的)인 영양지표(營養指標)를 찾는데 경주(傾注)해야 할 것 같다.

• 지능정보연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.227-252
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• 2018

인터넷의 발달을 통해 지속적으로 인스턴트 커뮤니케이션이 발달해왔다. 인스턴트 커뮤니케이션에서 가장 대표적인 것이 메신저 애플리케이션이다. 메신저 애플리케이션에서 이모티콘은 송신자의 감정 전달을 보완하기 위해 활용됐다. 메신저 애플리케이션 송신자의 감정 전달에 약한 모습을 보이는데 그 이유는 면대면 커뮤니케이션이 아니기 때문이다. 이모티콘은 과거 화자의 기분 상태를 나타내는 기호로만 사용됐다. 그러나 현재는 이모티콘은 감정 전달 뿐만 아니라 개인의 특성과 개성을 나타내고 싶어 하는 소비자의 심리를 반영하는 형태로 발전해가고 있다. 이모티콘의 사용 환경이 개선되었고, 이모티콘 자체가 발전함으로써 이모티콘 자체에 대한 관심도는 증가하였다. 대표적인 예로 카카오톡, 라인, 애플 등에서 서비스를 진행하고 있으며, 관련 컨텐츠 상품의 매출도 지속적으로 증가할 것으로 전망하고 있다. 이모티콘 자체의 관심도 증가와 관련 사업의 성장세에도 불구하고 현재 적절한 이모티콘 추천 시스템이 부재하다. 국내 점유율 90% 이상의 메신저 애플리케이션인 카카오톡조차 단순히 인기 순이나 최근 순, 혹은 간략한 카테고리 별로 분류한 정도이다. 소비자들은 원하는 이모티콘을 찾기 위해서 스크롤을 계속해서 내려야 하는 불편함이 있으며, 본인이 원하는 감성의 이모티콘을 찾기 어렵다. 소비자들이 편의성 향상과 기업의 이모티콘 관련 사업의 판매 매출 증가를 위해 소비자가 원하는 이모티콘을 추천해줄 수 있는 이모티콘 추천 시스템이 필요하다. 적절한 이모티콘을 추천하기 위해서 소비자가 이모티콘을 보고 느낀 감성에 대해 정량화할 필요성이 있다. 정량화를 통해 소비자가 원하는 이모티콘 셋이 가진 특징과 감성에 대해 분석할 수 있으며, 분석 결과를 토대로 소비자에게 이모티콘을 추천할 수 있다. 이모티콘은 메타데이터화의 방법으로 정량화가 가능하다. 메타데이터화 방법은 빅데이터 시대에 비정형, 반정형 데이터에 대해서 의미를 추출하기 위해 데이터를 구조화 혹은 조직화하는 작업이다. 비정형 데이터인 이모티콘을 메타데이터화를 통해 구조화한다면, 쉽게 소비자가 원하는 감성 형태로 분류할 수 있을 것으로 생각한다. 정확한 감성을 추출하기 위해 감정과 관련된 선행 연구를 통해 7개의 공통 감성 형용사와 한국어에서만 나타나는 은유 혹은 표현적 특징들을 반영하기 위해 하위 세부 표현들까지 고려했다. 이모티콘의 가장 큰 특징인 캐릭터를 기반으로 "표상", "형상", "색상"의 범주에서 세부 하위 감성들을 수집했다. 정확도 높은 추천 시스템을 설계하기 위해 감성 지표만이 아니라 객관적 지표도 고려하였다. 메타데이터화 방법을 통해 이모티콘이 갖고 있는 캐릭터의 특징을 객관적 지표로 14개, 감성 지표로 활용하기 위해 감성 형용사를 36개를 추출하였다. 추출된 감성 형용사는 대비되는 형용사로 구성하여 총 18개로 줄였으며, 18개의 감성 형용사는 카카오톡의 이모티콘을 인기 순으로 임의의 40개 셋을 대상으로 측정하였다. 측정을 위해 이모티콘을 평가할 조사 대상자 온라인으로 모집하였고, 277명의 20~30대의 이모티콘을 구매한 경험이 있는 소비자를 대상으로 설문을 진행하였다. 설문응답자에게 서로 다른 5개의 이모티콘 셋을 평가하도록 하였다. 평가 결과 수집된 18개의 감정 형용사는 요인분석을 통해 감성 지표 요인으로 추출하였다. 추출된 소비자 감성 지표의 요인은 "코믹", "부드러움", "모던함", "투명함"이었다. 이모티콘의 객관적 지표와 감성 지표 요인을 활용하여 소비자 만족과의 관계를 분석하였고, 객관적 지표와 감성 지표 간의 관계도 분석하였다. 이 과정에서 객관적 지표가 소비자 태도에 바로 영향을 주는 것이 아니라 감성 지표 요인을 통해 소비자 태도에 영향을 주는 매개 효과가 있음을 확인하였다. 분석 결과는 소비자의 감성 평가 메커니즘을 밝혀냈고, 소비자의 이모티콘 감성 평가 메커니즘은 객관적 지표가 감성 지표 요인에 영향을 미치며, 감성 지표 요인은 소비자 만족에 영향을 미치는 관계였다. 따라서 감성 지표 요인의 네 가지만으로 이모티콘 추천 시스템을 설계하였고, 추천 방법은 각 감성과의 거리를 유클리디안 거리로 측정하여 거리의 차가 0에 가까울수록 비슷한 감성으로 정의하였다. 본 연구에서 제안한 이모티콘 시스템의 검증을 위해 각 감성 지표 요인과 소비자 만족의 평균을 지표 값으로 활용하여 각 이모티콘 셋의 감성 패턴을 그래프로 비교하였고, 추천된 이모티콘들과 선택된 이모티콘이 대체로 비슷한 패턴을 그리는 것을 확인하였다. 정확한 검증을 위해 사전 조사하였던 소비자를 대상으로 이모티콘 추천 시스템이 제시한 결과와 유사하게 평가하였는지 유사 순위를 세 구간으로 나누어 비교하였고, 순위별 예측 정확도는 결과 1순위 81.02%, 2순위 76.64%, 3순위 81.63%였다. 본 연구의 결과는 학문적, 실무적으로 다양한 분야에서 활용 가능한 방법론을 제시하였으며, 기존에 없던 이모티콘 추천 시스템의 설계를 통해 소비자에게는 편의와 이모티콘을 서비스하는 기업에는 매출증대의 효과를 가져올 것으로 예상한다. 그리고 본 연구를 통해 지능형 이모티콘 시스템으로 발전할 수 있는 단초를 제공했다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 본 연구에서 제안한 감성 요인들을 활용하여 감성 라이브러리로 사용함으로써, 새로운 이모티콘 출시 시 감성 평가의 지표로 활용할 수 있다. 축적된 감성 라이브러리와 기업의 판매 데이터, 매출 정보, 소비자 데이터를 결합하여 본 연구에서 제안한 추천 시스템을 복합형 추천 시스템으로 발전시켜 단순 소비자의 편의성이나 매출 증가뿐만 아니라 기업에서 전략적으로 활용 가능한 지적 자산으로 활용할 수 있을 것으로 판단한다.

• 농업과학연구
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.283-316
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• 1977

한국(韓國)에 있어서 벼 잎집무늬마름병(病)의 발생변동(發生變動), 병원균(病原菌)의 배양적(培養的) 특성(特性)과 병원성(病原性), 발병환경(發病環境), 재배법(栽培法)과 발병관계(發病關係), 품종(品種)의 저항성(抵抗性) 등(等)에 관(關)하여 연구(硏究)한 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 한국(韓國)에 있어서 벼 잎집무늬마름병(病)의 발생면적(發生面積)은 다비재배(多肥栽培), 조기조식재배(早期早植栽培) 및 통일계품종(統一系品種)의 확대보급등(擴大普及等)으로 인(因)하여 매년(每年) 증가(增加)되었고 특(特)히 1971년(年)부터 전국적(全國的)으로 급격(急激)히 발생면적(發生面積)이 증가(增加)되어서 1976년(年)에는 전체수도재배면적(全體水稻栽培面積)의 약 65.2%에서 본병(本病)이 발생(發生)하였다. 2. 우리나라에 분포(分布)하는 벼 잎집무늬마름병균(病菌)의 배양적(培養的) 성질(性質) 및 병원성(病原性)에는 많은 변이(變異)가 있었으며 병원균(病原菌)의 생육최적(生育最適) 온도(溫度)도 $25^{\circ}C$에서 $30^{\circ}C$사이로 균주간(菌株間)에 차이(差異)가 있었다. 한편 병원균(病原菌)의 배양적(培養的) 성질(性質)과 병원성(病原性)에는 상관관계(相關關係)가 없었다. 3. 잎집무늬마름병균(病菌)의 PDA배지상(培地上)에서의 균사생장(菌絲生長)은 채집지(採集地)의 기온(氣溫)과 밀접(密接)한 관계(關係)가 있었다. 즉 채집지(採集地)의 기온(氣溫)이 높은 지역(地域)의 균주(菌株)들은 기온(氣溫)이 낮은 지역(地域)의 균주(菌株)들에 비(比)해 $35^{\circ}C$ PDA배지(培地)에서 균사생장(菌絲生長)이 양호(良好)하였고 반대로 $12^{\circ}C$ PDA배지상(培地上)에서는 기온(氣溫)이 낮은 지역(地域)에서 채집(採集)한 균주(菌株)들이 기온(氣溫)이 높은 지역(地域)에서 채집(採集)한 균주(菌株)들 보다 균사생장(菌絲生長)이 양호(良好)하였다. 4. 잎집무늬마름병균(病菌)을 접종(接種)한 수도엽(水稻葉)으로부터 얻은 Pectin polygalacturonase 및 Cellulase의 역가(力價)는 접종(接種)3일(日)째에 최대(最大)였고 Pectin methylestrase의 역가(力價)는 접종(接種) 4일(日)째에 최대(最大)였으며 병원성(病原性)이 강(强)한 균주(菌株)에서는 Pectin methylestrase의 활성(活性)이 높은 경향(傾向)이었고 병원성(病原性)이 약한 균주(菌株)에서는 Pectin methylestrase의 활성(活性)이 낮은 경향(傾向)이었으나 다른 효소(酵素)들은 병원성(病原性)과 관계(關係)가 없었다. 5. 배지(培地)에 형성(形成)된 균핵(菌核)을 건조처리(乾燥處理)하였을 경우(境遇)의 저온저항성(低溫抵抗性)은 매우 강(强)하여 $-20^{\circ}C$에서도 발아력(發芽力)을 상실(喪失)치 않았으나 습윤처리(濕潤處理) 하였을 경우(境遇)에는 저항성(抵抗性)이 매우 약(弱)하여 $-5^{\circ}C$에서도 발아력(發芽力)을 상실(喪失)하였다. 포장(圃場)에서 월동(越冬)한 균핵(菌核)의 발아율(發芽率)도 답토양(沓土壤)의 건습(乾濕)에 따라 18%~70%의 차이(差異)를 나타내며 담수상태(湛水狀態)에서 월동(越冬)한 균핵(菌核)은 건조(乾燥)한 토양(土壤)에서 월동(越冬)한 균핵(菌核)보다 발아율(發芽率)이 낮았다. 6. 잡초(雜草)에 대(對)한 기생성(寄生性)을 조사(調査)하였던 바 벗풀(Sagittaria trifolia L.), 물달개비(Monochoria vaginalis Presl), 여뀌(Polygonum hydropiper L.). 피(Echinochloa crusgalli P. Beauv), 한련초(Eclipta prostrata L.), 강아지풀(Septaria viridis P. Beauv.), 좀바랭이(Digitaria sangvinalis Scapoli) 등(等)에서 잎집무늬마름병반(病斑)이 형성(形成)되었다. 7. 질소배비구(窒素倍肥區)에서는 잎집무늬마름병(病)의 피해(被害)가 증가(增加)하였고 가리배비구(加里倍肥區)에서는 감소(減少)하였으나 규산시용구(硅酸施用區)에서는 피해감소(被害減少)의 효과(效果)가 없었다. 규산시용구(硅酸施用區)에서는 도체내(稻體內)의 질소함량(窒素含量)과 전분함량(澱粉含量)이 다같이 감소(減少)하였다. 8. 생육전기(生育前期)의 이병경율(罹病莖率)은 밀식구(密植區)가 높았으나 생육후기(生育後期)에는 소식구(疎植區)의 1주당(株當) 분얼수(分蘖數)가 많아 이병경율(罹病莖率) 및 피해도(被害度)가 높아졌으며 주당(株當) 1본식(本植)한 구(區)에서는 피해(被害)가 적었다. 9. 잎집무늬마름병(病)에 대(對)한 수도(水稻) 품종(品種)의 피해도차이(被害度差異)는 출수일수(出穗日數)와 밀접(密接)한 관계(關係)가 있었다. 즉 출수일수(出穗日數)와 피해도(被害度)와의 상관관계(相關關係)는 6월(月)13일(日) 이앙(移秧)한 구(區)에서는 r=-0.707이었고 6월(月) 25일(日) 이앙(移秧)한 구(區)에서는 r=-0.496으로 비교적 높은 상관(相關)을 나타내어 출수(出穗)가 빠른 것이 피해(被害)가 크고 낮은 것이 피해(被害)가 적은 경향(傾向)이었다. 또한 본병(本病)은 분얼(分蘖)이 많은 품종(品種)일수록 피해(被害)가 심(甚)하였다. 10. 생육전기(生育前期)의 이병경율(罹病莖率)은 출수후(出穗後)의 피해도(被害度)와 상관(相關)이 없었으나 생육후기(生育後期)의 이병경율(罹病莖率)은 피해도(被害度)와 상관(相關)이 높았다.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제19권3호
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• pp.83-101
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• 1981

Under the full consideration of the growing need and importance of population education in the field of home economics in Korea, the study was carried out to verify and assess the following facts on the current issues of population education of home economists who are presently engaging in teaching professions as the teachers of middle and high school and professors of college and universities by setting its primary objectives of the study as followings; 1) to assess the degree of general knowledge and attitudes of home economists toward population education in the field of home economics, 2) to verify the problems encountered in implementing population education by home economists in its field, 3) to find an existing status of previous trainings received and other activities of population education of home economists aimed at utilizing these findings as a part of reference materials when the population education is conducted in the field of home economics. In order to attain these objectives described above, the questionnaire was carefully designed to house a total of 40 questions with good combination of multiple-choice and the simple answer questions. The mail questionnaire survey was conducted by establishing teachers of home economics at middle/high schools and college/universities as Senior Home Economists(SHE) who are from public, private liberal arts and vocational schools. The rate of response observed during the survey was 45.6 percent and the findings of the survey research are as follows: 1) Examining the status of the respondents by residence and religion, it was found that 45 percent of middle & high school teachers ar.d 59. 1 percent of college professors are residing in Seoul city area and that the largest percent of them are christian in their religion. Analyzing respondents by their ages, 56 percent of middle/high school teachers are in their 30s, 45 percent of college professors are in their 40s, and 37 percent of college teachers are in their 30s. In addition, 13 percent of the total respondents are found to be unmarried. The study also revealed that 71 percent of the college professors finished Master Degree course and 82 percent of middle/high school teachers are graduated from college level lasting 4 years. Looking over the status cf major fields of respondents, 68.4 percent of middle/high school teachers are specialized in home economic education and the college professors, on the other hand, show relatively even prortion by specializing in the order of food & nutrition science, clothes & textile science and home managerial science. As far as the length of teaching experience is concerned, a relatively longer period of teaching experience is observed in the college professors in comparison with that of middle/high school teachers. In other words, 33.3 percent of middle/high school teachers are experienced in teaching from 6 to 10 years on average while 43.9 percent of college professors show more than 16 years of experience. 2) Examining the status of existing number of children cf the respondents, one boy and one daughter pattern is predominant, showing 28.5 percent in middle/high school teachers and 21.1 percent in college professors. As for the desired number of children of unmarried respondents, it is observed that 43.8 percent of middle/high school teachers desire to have one boy and one girl, and 31.3 percent of college professors want to have one child regardless of the sex. By assessing the degree of awareness of the population education through their students, it is observed that 53 percent of middle/high school teachers and 50 percent of college professors are aware of population education in some extent and that a majority of respondents took the positive attitudes toward an inclusion of family planning components into the formal school education. Another noteworthy to observe is that a total of 84.8 percent out of middle/high school teachers pointed that the population education currently conducted at schools as a part of home economics are less sufficient than it should be. 3) Analyzing the tendency as to whether the respondents were experienced in receiving population education during the time when they were students, 75 percent of college professors and 59 percent of middle/high school teachers responded negative answers in the survey. In the mean time, a total of 50 percent of the respondents replied that they began to acknowledge the importance of population education mainly through the participation of some sort of population-education orientend seminars, experienced by 40 percent of college professors and 80 percent of middle/high school teachers. 4) What it calls attention in this study was to find that 96.5 percent of middle/high school teachers and 72 percent of college professors conduct population education to some extent during their lecture hours and that more than 80 percent of them are never experienced in teaching population and family planning contents in their regular classes. It is, on the other hand, found that no more than once was the response of those who believe themselves that they are experienced in teaching these relevant components to their students. Analyzing the contents of the subjects being taught in the class, a large percent of them are found to be consisted of population and family planning contents. According to this study, the current population education through the formal school is quite inactive. Analyzing the facts, 44.9 percent of the college professors responded that the population and family planning components are quite apart from their specialization which eventually generates lack of interest in the field. 5) It is also noticed through the study that the degree of frequency of commenting on population and family planning contents during the classes was depending significantly on their specializations which means that the degree of frequency varies from a major to another. Those who majored in home managerial science was the first one, as compared to others who majored in different specializations. Glancing over the status of correlations between ages of the respondents and numbers of seminar paticipation, it is quite clear that the aged group participated more than the younger group did, and that the most highest number of participations made by college professors were those who are in 50s. In addition, it is also found that those who are aged 20s and 60s of the respondents were the group who comments least on the contents of population and family planning at their classes. The suggestions and recommendation made through this survey research are as follows. 1) No one denies that the rapid increase of population, as compared to the limited size of land and resources, will certainly affect adversly to an enhancement of individual life quality which will, eventually, bring forth the poverty of the nation. This is the reasson why we are insisting that the world population be controlled up to an optimum level with a matter of global concerns. It is our understading that the primary aim for reducing number of population is believed to be attained only by conducting the systematic and comprehensive population education through the formal schools. Therefore, the role of home economists in the field of population/family planning education is considered very importment due to the fact that an ultimate goal of population education is placed in elevating the quality of family life by having optimum number of children through family planning program. 2) It is quite clear that home economists as teachers of formal school in all level are invited to pay their attention on redefining the ultimate goal of education and that of population education. We also understant that the primary objective of population education is to change the norm and value of the clients by replenishing the students with pertinent knowledge and attitudes on population and its related problems through a sort of education in order to attain the ultimate goal for enhancing the quality of life. There is no exception in the theory of home economics. An altimate goal of home economics is to elevate the general quality of life through an establishment of value existed in daily life. Considering the relations between population education and home economics, it is quite indespensable to bandle population components as an integral part in the field of home economics. We believe, therefore, that the senior home economists positive participation in the effort population control is more needed than it has been. 3) It is also strongly urged that population education should be a part of instructor training course for home economics. In other words, the teacher of home economics should be well aware of population and its problems by teaching interrelationship between population education and home economics, needs, contents and methods of population education during the instructor training courese for home economics. In addition, the senior home economists should be encouraged through positive participation on the short term training by types of domestic and international seminar, workshop, etc. 4) We certainly believe that the population education can not sustain itself without any backing-up of information and findings' of various and comprehensive researches of natural and social sciences. Accordingly, every senior home economist is invited to exert their maximum effort to conduct systematic study with an aim to utilize these findings and information at best in population education in the field of home economics. Therefore, we consider that the development of training material is imminent in order to provide effective and efficient population education through the for training of home economies. It should be noted that these training materials must be carefully designed, tailored and developed to meet the different classes of trainees under the considerations as to whether it is easily adaptable and infusable into the curricula of every field of home economics, and it is acceptable in the degree of difficulty and quality in its contents. 5) It is true that there are many domestic and international research rapers, reports and findings in the field of population education and family planning. However, there is a tendency that the most of research papers are heavily relying on the authors intension and preferences in its expression and publication. Under these circumstances, it is urged that the home economists should aware of the growing need of the technical training in order to keep these available information and research findings reprocessed and redesigned to insure the practical application into the population education in the field of home economics in Korea.

• 농업과학연구
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.69-95
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• 1979

우리나라에 있어서 과학적(科學的)인 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)가 시작된 1900년대초기(年代初期)부터 1975년(年)까지 약(約)70여년간(餘年間)에 이루어진 4,300여건(餘件)의 연구(硏究)를 정리분석(整理分析)하여 식물보호학(植物保護學)의 발달과정(發達過程)을 역사적(歷史的)으로 고찰(考察)하고 장래(將來) 어떠한 방향(方向)으로 발전(發展)해 나아갈 것인가를 예측(豫測)하기 위하여 이 연구(硏究)에 착수(着手)하였다. 이 연구(硏究)를 위하여 수집(蒐集)한 문헌(文獻)의 약(約)80%가 농림업관계(農林業關係) 연구전담기관(硏究專擔機關)인 농촌진흥청(農村振興廳), 각도농촌진흥원(各道農村振興院), 산림청임업시험장(山林廳林業試驗場) 등의 간행물(刊行物)에 수록(收錄)되어 있고 그 다음으로 전후(戰後)에 간행(刊行)되고 있는 한국식물보호학회지(韓國植物保護學會誌)에 상당히 많이 수록(收錄)되어 있으며 이 밖에 국내외(國內外)의 농림관계학술지(農林關係學術誌)나 대학논문집(大學論文集)에도 소수(少數)이기는 하나 수록(收錄)되어 있다. 우리나라 식물보호연구기관(植物保護硏究機關)으로는 농림업관계연구전담기관(農林業關係硏究專擔機關)(농촌진흥청(農村振興廳), 산림청(山林廳), 각도농촌진흥원(各道農村振興院) 등)과 대학(大學)으로 크게 나눌 수 있는데 그 동안의 연구건수(硏究件數)에서 보면 전자(前者)의 기여도(寄與度)는 약(約)80%이고 대학(大學)의 기여도(寄與度)는 약(約)20%로서 대학(大學)의 기여도(寄與度)가 훨씬 낮다. 우리나라 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)를 시대별(時代別)로 보면 1900년대초기(年代初期)부터 1940년(年)까지 약(約) 40년간(年間)의 현대식물보호학(現代植物保護學)의 도입(導入), 정초기(定礎期)에 이어 1941년(年)부터 1960년(年)까지 약(約)20년간(年間)의 수난기(受難期)를 거쳐 1962년이후(年以後)의 발전기(發展期)에 들어서 있다. 오랜 수난기(受難期)를 거쳤지만 전후(戰後)의 연구(硏究)는 전전(戰前)의 약(約) 2배(倍)나 되며 분야별(分野別)로는 식물병(植物病)에 관한 것 약(約)2.5배(倍), 해충(害蟲)에 관한 것 약(約)1.2배(倍), 잡초(雜草)에 관한 것 약(約)43.8배(倍), 농약(農藥)에 관한 것 약(約)1.5배(倍)로 늘어나 있다. 우리나라 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)를 작물별(作物別)로 보면 수도(水稻)에 관한 것이 약(約)37%로서 가장 많고 그 다음이 과수(果樹)(13.8%), 특용작물(特用作物)(7.9%), 채소(菜蔬)(6.2%), 수목(樹木)(6%) 기타작물(其他作物)의 순(順)으로 줄어들고 있다. 시대별(時代別)로 볼 때 1930년경(年傾)까지는 과수(果樹)나 특용작물(特用作物)의 보호연구(保護硏究)가 수도(水稻)의 그것보다 많은 과수(果樹) 및 특용작물보호연구시대(特用作物保護硏究時代)라고 할 수 있고 그 후 현재(現在)까지는 수도(水稻)의 보호연구(保護硏究)가 과수(果樹)나 특용작물(特用作物)의 그것보다 훨씬 많은 전전(戰前) 및 전후(戰後) 수도보호시대(水稻保護時代)라고 할 수 있다. 우리나라 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)를 내용별(內容別)로 살펴보면 전전(戰前)에는 기초연구(基礎硏究)가 방제연구(防除硏究)보다 많았으나 전후(戰後)에는 이와 반대(反對)로 방제연구(防除硏究)가 기초연구(基礎硏究)보다 훨씬 많으며 방제연구(防除硏究)중에서도 약제방제(藥劑防除)에 관한 것이 식물병(植物病) 81%, 해충(害蟲) 77%, 잡초(雜草) 89%로서 특히 전후(戰後) 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)의 주축(主軸)을 이루고 있다. 이 밖에 내병성(耐病性)이나 내충성(耐蟲性)과 관련(關聯)된 연구(硏究)는 전전(戰前)부터 계속되어온 중요연구(重要硏究)이며 병해충(病害蟲)의 발생예찰(發生豫察)이나 병원균(病原菌)의 Race(생태형(生態型))에 관한 연구(硏究)는 전후(戰後)부터 시작된 중요연구(重要硏究)이다. 잡초(雜草)에 관한 연구(硏究)는 전전(戰前)에도 몇가지 있기는 하지만 본격적(本格的)인 연구(硏究)가 시작된 것은 1960년대이후(年代以後)이며 앞서 적은 바와 같이 약제방제(藥劑防除)에 관한 것이 89%를 차지하고 있다. 농약(農藥)에 관한 연구(硏究)는 전전(戰前)부터 계속 부진(不振)을 면(免)하지 못하고 있으며 도입농약(導入農藥)의 약효검정이외(藥效檢定以外)에 특기(特記)할 만한 큰 업적(業績)은 찾아 볼 수 없다. 우리나라 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)의 시대적변천(時代的變遷)과 발달(發達)의 계기(契機)가 되었다든가 식물보호(植物保護)의 실제(實際)와 관련(關聯)된 큰 의의(意義)를 지닌 병(病)이나 해충(害蟲)을 몇가지 골라서 따로따로 그 연구(硏究)의 내용(內容)을 살피는 한편 그것이 우리나라 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)에 있어서 어떤 중요(重要)한 의의(意義)를 지니고 있는가를 고찰(考察)해 보았다. 끝으로 미래(未來)의 우리나라 식물보호연구(植物保護硏究)가 종합방제(綜合防除)를 뒷받침해주는 방향(方向)으로 발전(發展)해 나아갈 것이 예측(豫測)되며 연구영역(硏究領域)의 확대(擴大)와 더불어 우수(優秀)한 연구자(硏究者)의 확보(確保)가 가장 시급(時急)한 문제(問題)가 될 것임을 지적(指摘)하고 이런 측면(側面)에서 대학(大學)의 역할(役割)을 강조(强調)해 두었다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.