• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.26
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• pp.71-106
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• 2008

The objective of this research is to reconstruct an aristocratic officer's travels by analysing Yu, hee-chun's diary, Miamilgi. Yu had kept his diary for eighty three months, from October 1567 to May 1577, and there were twenty six times of travel logs which are analysed in this research. As a result of the analysis, his travels can be divided into official travels and private travels. Sixteen times of official travels were comprised of inspection tours for parishes as a superintendent of Jeonra province, trips to supervise maintenance works of royal tombs and to worship the tombs, to carry out the sanjae (rituals in the mountains) as a second minister of the ministry of rites. It was difficult for him to have private travels as he continually served as a royal officer. He had got only 10 times of private travels during the eighty three months for maintaining the ancestor's tomb and worshiping the ancestors, for recuperating himself and his wife, and for constructing his new house. All of these travels were long-distance ones. In terms of his travel routes, he frequently used royal main trunks, e.g. 'Haenamro' (from Seoul to Damyang), which were maintained by the royal government. The main reason of his frequent using of trunk lines was that convenience facilities such as the royal post stations (Yeok) and royal inns (Won) were equipped well in these roads so it was easy to get horse change services and lodging and boarding. The fact that main trunks were chiefly straight lines and the shortest way was rather secondary reason. On the other hand, when he was a superintendent of Junra province, he had four times of round inspection on all parishes of Junra province, following the tour routs covering all over the province. As he was incumbent royal officer, he started his travel by getting a permission from the king. Simultaneously, he made ready some travel items. Among the items, horse was most important one for the journey. After finishing all the preparing processes before the departure, he had special farewell ceremony for the King, Sookbae, and had a small party with his friends called Jeonbeul. Main transportation means for his travel was horse, and many kinds of horses such as royal government's horse, Yeokma, local government's horse, Swema, as well as his private one were used. Additionally, he used a palanquin while he was doing inspection trip as a superintendent of Junra province. Yu was incumbent officer so he mostly lodged in local government guest houses. If he could not find out any local guest house, he was lodged in royal inn, and in his relatives houses or irregularly in buddhist temples. Most meals were supplied by local royal governments. The activities in his journeys were varied on his travel objectives. In his private journey, it was the main activities that maintaining ancestor's tombs and having a memorial service. During the trip, he visited his relatives. His official trips, on the other hand, had a regularity. Main activities were dealing with public works, and visiting Hyanggyo (country public school). However in the midway, he visited his relatives and had a journey to scenic places.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.68-87
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• 1992

This study is the conditions of location according to formed the times in the clan village. The results of this study are as follows ; 1. in the 15th century, the characterestics of the village established residencial place where mountain stream flowed surrounded by the mountain and deep in the mountains with superior quality land. That's because Sa-dae-bu put equal importance on beautiful scenery and practical benefit for living. Stream House provided economical foundation for Sa-dae-bu to be able to keep confucial manners by putting limit their economic status to small medium sized land owner. Topographical condition such as valley or hollow separated from the exterior maintained unification of consanguineous village in self sufficient farming society and held on to independent territory against external to be able to stay away from turbulent days so that they formed residential area of Sa-dae-bu clan. And the valley where flowed clean water was considered as the connection of continuous place where distinctiveness of form in each curve and and factor of calm and dynamic scenery of the clean stream. Scholars in the middle of Chosun Dynasty located in the utopia as place for confucious retirement to study, a place for refinement by combination with the nature or as a way of spacial practice based on Confucious view of nature. 2. in the 16th-l7th century, Most of existing consanguineous villages adopt deep in the mountains for refuge. at that place, upward rank was established by settlement of the ancestor who entered in the village first, the principal was placed in the center of the village and since descendants became numerous, it was serialized as the space of descendants. So, it was arranged in the order of social rank. Most of the villages showed development step by step started from precaution by apperance of the mountain to the lower part. It's because the topography of valley around the village worked as the natural hedge against external force and genealogy of the clan, regularity of social status, order of entrance into the village were reflected into residencial destribution. Also, order of the rank coincided with the one of aspects on geomancy. Genealogical rank within the village represented spacial rank. Houses of descendants and branch families were placed lower than the principal which showed worship to the principal. 3. In 18th century after, as the village was settled nearby cultivated land considering economical loss caused by long distance between residencial area and cultivated land, direction of sect followed by development of village expanded from the front part of the village to the rear part. The principal that was poped out to the front presented frontage over exterior. Therefore, residencial area of branch families expanded to the rear starting from the principal. This represented a slice of social structure at that time. after 18th century, spirit was percieved superior over material, After then, development of cultivation and expantion of land created difference of economic strength within one village. In order to maintain and show off the status of Yang-ban, economic power of indigenous land owner became fundamental, so, sense to worship and to keep the principal became weak eventually. Taking advantage of that situation, residencial area of branch family expanded to the rear part of the principal which showed dual disposition conflicted with each other. However, these clan rules were destroyed and new rules were created after 18th century because of the situation and consciousness at that time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.117-125
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• 2000

The waveform and spectrum analysis of Tursiops truncatus(bottlenose dolphin) sonar signals were carried out on the basis of data collected during the dolphin show at the aquarium of Cheju Pacificland from October 1998 to February 1999. When greeting to audience, the pulse width, peak frequency and spectrum level from the five dolphins'sonar signals were 3.0ms, 4.54kHz and 125.6dB, respectively. At the time of warm-up just before the show, their figures were 5.0㎳, 5.24kHz and 127.0dB, respectively. During the performance of dolphins, with singing, peak frequency ranged 3.28∼5.78kHz and spectrum level ranged 137.0∼142.0dB. With playing ring, pulse width, peak frequency and spectrum level were 7.0㎳, 2.54kHz and 135.9dB, and when playing the ball, the values were 9.0㎳, 2.78kHz and 135.2dB, respectively. The values determined from the five dolphins during jump-up out of water were : pulse width 2.0㎳, peak frequency 4.50kHz and spectrum level 126.8dB. When they responded to trainer's instructions, the values were 2.25㎳, 248kHz and 148.7dB, respectively, and greeting to audience, the peak frequency and spectrum level were 5.84kHz and 122.5dB. During swimming under water, peak frequency and spectrum level were determined to be 10.10kHz and 126.8dB. It was found that there exited close consistencies in pulse width, frequency distribution and spectrum level between whistle sounds and dolphin's sonar signals. Accordingly, the dolphins can be easily trained by using whistle sound based on the results obtained from the waveform and spectrum of the dolphin's sonar signals.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.383-406
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• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.