• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.117-125
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• 2000

The waveform and spectrum analysis of Tursiops truncatus(bottlenose dolphin) sonar signals were carried out on the basis of data collected during the dolphin show at the aquarium of Cheju Pacificland from October 1998 to February 1999. When greeting to audience, the pulse width, peak frequency and spectrum level from the five dolphins'sonar signals were 3.0ms, 4.54kHz and 125.6dB, respectively. At the time of warm-up just before the show, their figures were 5.0㎳, 5.24kHz and 127.0dB, respectively. During the performance of dolphins, with singing, peak frequency ranged 3.28∼5.78kHz and spectrum level ranged 137.0∼142.0dB. With playing ring, pulse width, peak frequency and spectrum level were 7.0㎳, 2.54kHz and 135.9dB, and when playing the ball, the values were 9.0㎳, 2.78kHz and 135.2dB, respectively. The values determined from the five dolphins during jump-up out of water were : pulse width 2.0㎳, peak frequency 4.50kHz and spectrum level 126.8dB. When they responded to trainer's instructions, the values were 2.25㎳, 248kHz and 148.7dB, respectively, and greeting to audience, the peak frequency and spectrum level were 5.84kHz and 122.5dB. During swimming under water, peak frequency and spectrum level were determined to be 10.10kHz and 126.8dB. It was found that there exited close consistencies in pulse width, frequency distribution and spectrum level between whistle sounds and dolphin's sonar signals. Accordingly, the dolphins can be easily trained by using whistle sound based on the results obtained from the waveform and spectrum of the dolphin's sonar signals.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.36 no.11
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• pp.1472-1481
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• 2007

The purposes of the study were to find refined taste of ancestor through historical research about traditional cooking method and ingredient for the purpose of enriching today#s dietary life and to hand down a particular style of regional dish and excellence of nutritional aspect by providing a standard recipe and nutrition analysis data on #Dong-rae Pajeon#. To collect data about traditional ingredients and cooking method, researcher interviewed seven local natives who have kept a traditional food costumes, visited four restaurants, and reviewed ten cookbooks. The interviewees recalled and demonstrated the cooking procedure. The standard recipe of #Dong-rae Pajeon# was created after three experimental cookings, based on the recipes of the natives, restaurants, and cookbooks. According to the natives# statements, #Dong-rae Pajeon# was a special dish that was offered to the king at #Samzi-nal# (March 3rd of the lunar calendar). It was also a seasonal (before cherry blooming time) and memorial service dish of the province#s high society. The main ingredients were small green onion, dropwort, beef, seafood (large clam, mussel, clam meat, oyster, shrimp, fresh water conch), waxy rice powder, non-wax rice powder, and sesame oil which were abundant in Busan and Kijang region. Energy per 100 g of #Dong-rae Pajeon# was 148 kcal. Protein, lipid, fiber, Ca, and Fe contents were 8.8 g, 2.0 g, 8.6 g, 57.7 mg, and 1.8 mg respectively. Contents of cystine, lysine, leucine, valine, isoleucine which are essential amino acids were high in #Dong-rae Pajeon#. Fatty acids contents are oleic acid (20.5%), linoleic acid (20.1%) and linolenic acid (10.4%) while P/M/S ratio was 0.73/0.67/1.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.26
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• pp.175-206
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• 1995

The costume culture of China is as old and varied as her long history. As China is a multiracial nation and consists of fifty-six min-ority races including Han race, there are not only fifty-six different costumes in China but each races' costume habit is very different. Therefore, Chinese penninsula can be considered an enor-mous exhibition center of the costumes. This study undertook on the assumption that the costumes' mainstream of Korea and east-northern Asia as well as that of China could be examined by investigating the minority races' costumes in the east-and west-northern areas of China. The process of evolution of the costume of a particular people, country or area is subject not only to constraints related to geography such as climate, topography or local products but is also affected by numorous environmental influences including cultural, economic, social and even pol-itical ones in terms of the selection of material, styling, color and standard of tailoring. In other words, things like philosophy of life, religious be-lief, aesthetic outlook, moral code, class system, degree of affluence, and cultural exchange will all be reflected directly or indirectly by features of a people's or country's style costume. Of course, there are several factors affecting to the style of costume of the minority people in China. However, the only three factors-geo-graphical and environmental, production method, and religious belef-will be touched in this study. First of all, the geograghical and eenviron-mental factor would be the decisive one because the costume should be designed to overcome the constraints of climate and geographical environ-ments. Accordingly, each race has an unique style of costume. The costume of the minority races in the northern parts are loose and wide, and made of warm furs. For instance, Mongolian robe has the quality of anti-wind, anti-cold and warmness, and the width of a sleeve is narrow and long. Secondly, the costume style can be said to be limited by the production pattern, when the geo-graphical environment was affected to decide the costume style, the production pattern was together affected to it . In case of Mongolian robe, they should satisfy the dual condition as the practical function. One is the condition that they should be fitted to the climate, and the other is the condition that they should be suit-able to the nomadic life. Mongolian robes are suitable to the nomadic peoples because they are designed for not only overcoming the cold wind and weather but being used as the bedquit at night. The costumes of Hoche people was made of the skin of the fish and wild animals because of their main means of living being fishing and hunting. Accordingly, their costumes are dur-able, warm and water-proof. Finally, the style of the costume is affected by the religious belief. In other words, the pattern in fashion is closely related with the religious be-lief or ancestor worship and nature worship. Ac-cordingly, the symbols of these worship are often emerged in the decoration of the costume. The design of costume of the people in the northern areas of China is very simple. It is related with their monotheism. On the other hand, the costumes of twen쇼 minority races in the east-northern parts of China can be devided into three racial groups such as the long robes of Man people and Mongols, Tunics of the peoples in the west-northern areas, and the pants and jackets of Hoche people. The minorority races all has not only the unique costume habit but their costumes are also related with their living style and production means.

• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.135-154
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• 2004

This study surveyed ancestral service preparation and sacrificial consciousness of housewives living in Pusan and Yeosu area. Statistical analysis of chi-square test was carried out by using SAS program. The results are summarized as follows. l. In major general characteristics of subjects, the forties(35.56%), Buddhism (57.79%), high school education(52.54%), a couple with children(63.45%) were the most abundant. 2. The time of sacrificial rites in both areas was usually hold from 23:00 to 01:00 (47.16%). The housewives having a job hold earlier the service than the full-time housewives(p<0.05). 3. The range of ancestor-memorial rites was usually up to 3rd generation(34.47%). The leader of sacrificial ceremony was mainly the eldest grandson by the eldest son (78.28%) in the old subjects and a person of wealth in the young subjects(p<0.05). 4. There were more positive answers for the necessity of a sacrificial ceremony (57.32%). Older than 50 years of subjects thought the sacrificial rites should be held(70.77%), while as the age of subjects was younger, they realized less necessity for that(p<0.05). Sacrificial consciousness was higher in Buddhists than the other religionists(p<0.0001). The sacrificial rites was thought to be needed for their harmonious family(50.43%). Younger subjects thought that it is necessary to succeed that as the tradition, while older housewives thought that it would contribute toward peace in their family(p<0.05). Buddhists and Christians answered that it was good for harmonious family, and Catholics and the others for tradition(p<0.01). Their consideration of sacrificial rites in the future was higher in keeping the traditional practice (37.04%) and Buddhists took higher these consideration(43.17%). Considering the sacrificial consciousness, there were statistical differences among the religionists (p<0.0001). The eldest daughter-in-raw had a different opinion about the following up the method of sacrificial ceremony from second eldest daughter-in-raw and the next one(p<0.05). The housewives in Pusan were showing more the affirmative attitudes to keep the traditional practice than those in Yeosu.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.68-87
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• 1992

This study is the conditions of location according to formed the times in the clan village. The results of this study are as follows ; 1. in the 15th century, the characterestics of the village established residencial place where mountain stream flowed surrounded by the mountain and deep in the mountains with superior quality land. That's because Sa-dae-bu put equal importance on beautiful scenery and practical benefit for living. Stream House provided economical foundation for Sa-dae-bu to be able to keep confucial manners by putting limit their economic status to small medium sized land owner. Topographical condition such as valley or hollow separated from the exterior maintained unification of consanguineous village in self sufficient farming society and held on to independent territory against external to be able to stay away from turbulent days so that they formed residential area of Sa-dae-bu clan. And the valley where flowed clean water was considered as the connection of continuous place where distinctiveness of form in each curve and and factor of calm and dynamic scenery of the clean stream. Scholars in the middle of Chosun Dynasty located in the utopia as place for confucious retirement to study, a place for refinement by combination with the nature or as a way of spacial practice based on Confucious view of nature. 2. in the 16th-l7th century, Most of existing consanguineous villages adopt deep in the mountains for refuge. at that place, upward rank was established by settlement of the ancestor who entered in the village first, the principal was placed in the center of the village and since descendants became numerous, it was serialized as the space of descendants. So, it was arranged in the order of social rank. Most of the villages showed development step by step started from precaution by apperance of the mountain to the lower part. It's because the topography of valley around the village worked as the natural hedge against external force and genealogy of the clan, regularity of social status, order of entrance into the village were reflected into residencial destribution. Also, order of the rank coincided with the one of aspects on geomancy. Genealogical rank within the village represented spacial rank. Houses of descendants and branch families were placed lower than the principal which showed worship to the principal. 3. In 18th century after, as the village was settled nearby cultivated land considering economical loss caused by long distance between residencial area and cultivated land, direction of sect followed by development of village expanded from the front part of the village to the rear part. The principal that was poped out to the front presented frontage over exterior. Therefore, residencial area of branch families expanded to the rear starting from the principal. This represented a slice of social structure at that time. after 18th century, spirit was percieved superior over material, After then, development of cultivation and expantion of land created difference of economic strength within one village. In order to maintain and show off the status of Yang-ban, economic power of indigenous land owner became fundamental, so, sense to worship and to keep the principal became weak eventually. Taking advantage of that situation, residencial area of branch family expanded to the rear part of the principal which showed dual disposition conflicted with each other. However, these clan rules were destroyed and new rules were created after 18th century because of the situation and consciousness at that time.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2006

There are various understandings how to define death. In the context of medicine, death is defined as the irreversible change of the tissue according to the cessation of circulation and respiration. According to the psychologists, a person need to accept the finiteness as a human being and remain conscious that the death is not avoidable. And they say if a person doesn't regard death as unavoidable reality of life he or she will not confront the humanistic death and after all will die like animals. In philosophy, death is viewed as an unwelcome reality in the end of the journey of life. Sociologists usually understand that the society is the organization composed with living persons and human beings which construct and transmit the culture from generation to generation between the both ends of life and death. In society, the generation is changed, maintained, and developed through the phenomenon of death. Although death of human being is natural event in society, the death of a specific person brings a sense of loss, crisis, and anxiety to the communities like family, regional society, nation, and the world. In this context, death is not confined to personal dimension and it can be regarded as a social problem. It is valuable to summarize the religious perspectives on the meaning of death for the better hospice care. In shamanism, there are basic idea that although the flesh of human being disappears, soul never die. If human dies, the flesh of human being disappears but soul never disappear and come back to the origin of soul as it is called chaos. So in shamanism, it is said that shaman can solve the mortified feeling, restore the broken harmony, send the soul to comfortable space- the origin, and guarantee the blessing of descendents. Buddhists regard the death as an essential component through the cycles of life. Through this cycle, human being exits as an endlessly transmigrating being and the death is just a restoration to the original status. In Confucianism, the view on the death based on the philosophy of the "Yin and Yang" and "Five elements". In Buddhist tradition, many believers said the philosophy of "Death is the same as life". Unlike usual thoughts that a god governs "life and death" and "fortune and misfortune", Confucianists deny the governance of a god and emphasize the natural orders in which every phenomenon in the world moves according to the principle. Confucianists understand the death as a natural order with this principle. In Confucianists' belief, the essence of human being remains in their own descendent's lives after the death of ancestor, so in Confucianism there is no concept of immortality of the soul. In the history of Christianity, death has been defined generally as the separation of the immortal soul from the mortal body. In the earlier days of Old Testament, the death is regarded as a disappearance of just a flesh and human never disappear and always live in the relationship with God. Later days in Old Testament, we can find the growing concern for the life after the death because of the entrance of the theodicy. In the New Testament, the death is not regarded as the normal process of the human life and regarded as the abnormal status in which death come to human because of sin as a decisive factor and it should be conquered. In fact, the most of us afraid death because not of the fear of death itself but of the sense of the emptiness and regrets. so many people often make the monument hoping to live forever. But Christian usually regard this behavior as a sinful act because human being usually think themselves as a master of their life and attempt to become immortal in this kind of trial mortal. But if we live with God, we cannot confront such a condition because we aware limits as a mortal human being and entrust everything on Him and want to live according to His guidance. Therefore, in the Christian tradition, the death is regarded as accomplishment of life, fruits of life, invitation to the eternal life, and the last stage of human growth. For human being, the death is the great step of maturation as a human in the final stage of life.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.36-48
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• 2010

The objectives of this study are to research and analyze the positioning of Mt. Back Hwa(白華山) and the characteristics of its neighboring cultural scenery based on the Two Seated Buddah Temple, a small Buddhist temple of Taeul in Taean and to view both landscape geographic codes and religious attractions over Mt. Back Hwa by discussing its expression and meaning for the scenery scattered or nested over this districts. The panoramic view of west shows the character of Mt. Back Hwa as a magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy which is viewed as a view point field no less than its location as a landscape target and its singularity as a rocky mountain. The ancient castle, signal beacon post and the small Buddhist temple of Taeul to be read importantly in the old map and SinjeungDongkukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) form the core of place identity, and a number of carve(engrave) letters such as Eopungdae(御風臺), Youngsadae(永思臺), etc. show the prospect of this mountain and monumentality derived from place characteristics. In addition removing of Taeiljeon, a portrait scroll of Dangun, national ancestor makes possible to guess the national status hold by Mt. Back Hwa in advance and to know that it has symbiotic relationship with indigenous religion and shares with the universal locality which have been continued for a long time through a portrait scroll of Dangun enshrined in Samsunggak. More than anything else, however the Rock-carved Buddha Triad in Taean, Giant Buddha of Baekjae era enshrined in the small Buddhist temple of Taeul is not only why Mt. Back Hwa, magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy exists but also a signifier. In spite of such a placity, the union ideas of confucianism, buddhism and doctrinism of buddhism prevailed in the Late Joseon Dynasty allows the cultural phenomenon of taoism to be read in the same weight through Ilsogae(一笑溪) and Gammodae(感慕臺) which are mountain stream and pond area respectively centered in the carve letter, 'Taeeuldongcheon(太乙洞天)' constructed in front of the small Buddhist temple of Taeul, the Baduk board type of rock carvings engraved over them and a number of traces of carve letters made by confucian scholars since the Middle of Joseon Dynasty. The reason such various cultural sceneries are mixed in Mt. Back Hwa is in the results of inheritance of religious places and fusion of sprit of the times, and the various type of cultural scenery elements scattered in Mt. Back Hwa are deemed as unique geographic code to understand the multi-layered placity and the characteristics of scenery of Mt. Back Hwa in Taean.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.33-61
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• 2009

In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of north­eastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to North­Western people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.32-45
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• 2014

In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.84-97
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• 2016

One of the assimilation policies of Japanese imperialism for the permanent domination in the colonial Joseon is the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. The theory of integration of Japan and Joseon is a logic that Joseon (Korea) and Japan (Wae) were connected to the same ancestor on the basis of ancient myths. Also it is the assimilation ideology to justify the Colonial rule of those days through the objectification of historical identity or affinity of political and cultural relations of ancient Korean peninsula and Japan (Wae). Japan reorganized our history to meet the colonial point of view, as part of the assimilation policies based on the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. On the other hand Japan attempted to objectify them through archaeological research and the reinterpretation of the historical remains. The survey, reinterpretation and tourist of the historic sites in historic cities such as Gyeongju and Buyeo were promoted in this context. In particular, the Buyeo, a capital of Baekje, was emphasized upon the close relevance and affinity between Sabi, Baekje and ancient Asuka (飛鳥) in Japan through research and reinterpretation on the Historic Sites. Based on them, Historic Sites Tourism was conducted by reconstructed historic sites toward the colonial Korean. In addition, after the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, Japan tried to realize the politics of space by upgrading and idealizing Buyeo as homeland or Shinto (神都) related to Japanese ancient mythology of the Asuka culture. This paper investigated in what context research, reinterpret and tourist of the historic sites progressed on Buyeo area and how it had soaked through the general public in the Japanese colonial era. First, it is on historic sites. Historic sites research on Buyeo area made an attempt by Sekino Tadashi in 1909 for the first time and the re-excavation of the old burial mounds and temple sites during the Japanese colonial period. Sekino set up a cultural relationship and influences between the ancient China (梁), Korea (百濟) and Japan (倭). Also, he emphasized that Sabi, Baekje largely received influence of Chinese culture and Baekje and Japan Asuka culture had closely relations and affinity. These views had been consistent during the Japanese colonial period. Second, it is the reinterpretation on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society (Buyeo Gojeok Bojonhoe) was established in 1915 and Osaka Kintaro, curator of Baekje exhibition hall redefined the relationship between ancient Japan and Baekje as perspective of the assimilation ideology through the post contextual interpretation. In particular, they emphasized on the close relevance between Baekje's Historic sites and Japan, through the reinterpretation of Nakhwaam, Goransa and Cheongmasanseong. Third, it is the tourist on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society played a leading role in Tourist on Historic sites at the Buyeo region. The main tourist destinations and course were restructured through a reinterpretation on the historic sites. Japan would like to show Buyeo as ideology area, homeland of ancient Japanese culture, toward the Koreans under Japanese colonial era. Thus, research, reinterpretation, and tourism on Historic sites were promoted while they were closely related to each other. The promoting body was Joseon Chongdokbu and pro-Japanese interest group. It's point was 'made' and 'shown' by the eyes of others and a rediscovery of Buyeo as representational space of colony.