• Title/Summary/Keyword: Administrative Security

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A Study on the Problems and Improvement of the Safety Management Law of Nuclear Facilities -Focused on Safety Management of Aquatic Products- (원자력시설 안전관리 법제의 문제점과 개선방안 연구 -수산물의 안전관리를 중심으로-)

  • Lee, Woo-Do
    • The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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    • v.50 no.2
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    • pp.23-40
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    • 2019
  • The main purpose of this study is to analyze and examine the problems of the law systems of the safety and maintenance of nuclear facilities and to propose the improvements with respect to the related problems especialy focused on safety management of aquatic products. Therefore, the results of the paper would be helpful to build an effective management law system of safety and maintenance of nuclear facilities and fisheries products. The research methods are longitudinal and horizontal studies. This study compares domestic policies with foreign policies of nuclear plants and aquatic products. Using the above methods, examining the current system of nuclear-related laws and regulations, we have found that there exist 13 Acts including "Nuclear Safety Act", etc. Safety laws related on nuclear facilities have seven Acts including "Nuclear Safety Act", "the Act on Physical Protection and Radiological Emergency", "Radioactive waste control Act", "Act on Protective Action Guidelines against Radiation in the Natural Environment", "Special Act on Assistance to the locations of facilities for disposal low and intermediate level radioactive waste", "Korea Institute of Nuclear Safety Act". "Act on Establishment and Operation of the Nuclear Safety and Security Commission". The seven laws are composed of 119 legislations. They have 112 lower statute of eight Presidential Decrees, six Primeministrial Decrees and Ministrial Decrees, 92 administrative rules (orders), 6 legislations of local self-government aself-governing body. The concluded proposals of this paper are as follows. Firstly, we propose that the relationship between the special law and general law should be re-established. Secondly, the terms with respect to law system of safety and maintenance of nuclear plants should be redefined and specified. Thirdly, it is advisable to re-examine and re-establish the Law System for Safety and Maintenance of Nuclear Facilities. and environmental rights like the French Nuclear Safety Legislation. Lastly, inadequate legislation on the aquatic pollution damage should be re-established. It is necessary to ensure sufficient transparency as well as environmental considerations in the policy decisions of the Korean government and legislation of the National Assembly. It is necessary to further study the possibilities of accepting the implications of the French legal system as a legal system in Korea. In conclusion, the safety management of nuclear facilities is not only focused on the secondary industry and the tertiary industry centering on power generation and supply, but also on the primary industry, which is the food of the people. It is necessary to prevent damage to be foreseen. Therefore, it is judged that there should be no harm to the people caused by contaminated marine products even if the "Food Safety Law for Prevention of Radiation Pollution Damage" is enacted.

Occupational exposure to polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons in Korean adults: evaluation of urinary 1-hydroxypyrene, 2-naphthol, 1-hydroxyphenanthrene, and 2-hydroxyfluorene using Second Korean National Environmental Health Survey data

  • Dong Hyun Hong;Jongwon Jung;Jeong Hun Jo;Dae Hwan Kim;Ji Young Ryu
    • Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine
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    • v.35
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    • pp.6.1-6.15
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    • 2023
  • Background: Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are occupational and environmental pollutants generated by the incomplete combustion of organic matter. Exposure to PAHs can occur in various occupations. In this study, we compared PAH exposure levels among occupations based on 4 urinary PAH metabolites in a Korean adult population. Methods: The evaluation of occupational exposure to PAHs was conducted using Second Korean National Environmental Health Survey data. The occupational groups were classified based on skill types. Four urinary PAH metabolites were used to evaluate PAH exposure: 1-hydroxypyrene (1-OHP), 2-naphthol (2-NAP), 1-hydroxyphenanthrene (1-OHPHE), and 2-hydroxyfluorene (2-OHFLU). The fraction exceeding the third quartile of urinary concentration for each PAH metabolite was assessed for each occupational group. Adjusted odds ratios (ORs) for exceeding the third quartile of urinary PAH metabolite concentration were calculated for each occupational group compared to the "business, administrative, clerical, financial, and insurance" group using multiple logistic regression analyses. Results: The "guard and security" (OR: 2.949; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.300-6.691), "driving and transportation" (OR: 2.487; 95% CI: 1.418-4.364), "construction and mining" (OR: 2.683; 95% CI: 1.547-4.655), and "agriculture, forestry, and fisheries" (OR: 1.973; 95% CI: 1.220-3.191) groups had significantly higher ORs for 1-OHP compared to the reference group. No group showed significantly higher ORs than the reference group for 2-NAP. The groups with significantly higher ORs for 1-OHPHE than the reference group were "cooking and food service" (OR: 2.073; 95% CI: 1.208-3.556), "driving and transportation" (OR: 1.724; 95% CI: 1.059-2.808), and "printing, wood, and craft manufacturing" (OR: 2.255; 95% CI: 1.022-4.974). The OR for 2-OHFLU was significantly higher in the "printing, wood, and craft manufacturing" group (OR: 3.109; 95% CI: 1.335-7.241) than in the reference group. Conclusions: The types and levels of PAH exposure differed among occupational groups in a Korean adult population.

A study on factors affecting high school students of school violence - Focusing on personality factors - (고등학생의 학교폭력에 영향을 미치는 요인에 관한 연구 : 인성요인을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Jung-Duk;Chang, Jeong-Hyeon
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.42
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    • pp.393-422
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    • 2015
  • The school is committed to the role of public education for the effective development of student academic achievement and intellectual ability. It is also a space to expand the range of care and understanding for others with as a member of the academic community as well. However, the reality of our country schooling has been pointed out that if a lot about the lack of character education related to the attitude of life care for others and feel a sense of responsibility. An individual is not necessarily emotional intelligence There are side out, as well as grow into adults, schools are obliged to teach a variety of methods associated with it. Nevertheless, education is not of the country beyond the formal excessive administrative work or other activities due to the process of character education to neglect, including the work of teachers. Therefore, students brought the expansion of the act that should not, and eventually lead to serious social issues that directly harm others, such as school violence. Therefore, students brought the expansion of the act that should not, and eventually lead to serious social issues that directly harm others, such as school violence. This study is based on an act of juvenile delinquency and criminology education was to refine the concept of toughness and validate the relationship between school violence through empirical research. Accordingly, from July 1, 2013 September 31, 2013 to 277 high schools across the country are attending the third year of the schools available for non-response and analysis of the students who participated in the admission and simulated typical presentation of K University in Gyeonggi-do not judge students in the final analysis, except for the data and data from a total of 1045 patients were utilized. As a result, many schools have experienced violence, male student work can be applied to a lot of rock school violence was experienced. Also, a lot of experience can be applied to a healthy student rock school violence, anger-control and empathy, this is considered a low student showed consciousness experienced school violence exerted.

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Comparision of Medical Care Utilization Patterns between Beneficiaries of Medical Aid and Medical Insurance (의료보호대상자의 의료이용양상)

  • Kim, Bok-Youn;Kim, Seok-Beom;Kim, Chang-Yoon;Kang, Pock-Soo;Chung, Jong-Hak
    • Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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    • v.8 no.2
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    • pp.185-201
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    • 1991
  • A household survey was conducted to compare the patterns of morbidity and medical care utilization between medical aid beneficiaries and medical insurance beneficiaries. The study population included 285 medical aid beneficiaries that were completely surveyed and 386 medical insurance benficiaries selected by simple random sampling from a Dong(Township) in Taegu. Well-trained surveyers mainly interviewed housewives with a structured questionnaire. The morbidity rates of acute illness during the 15-day period, were 63 per 1,000 medical aid beneficiaries and 62 per 1,000 medical insurance beneficiaries. The rates for chronic illness were 123 per 1,000 medical aid beneficiaries and 73 per 1,000 medical insurance beneficiaries. The most common type of acute illness in medical aid and medical insurance beneficiaries was respiratory disease. In medical aid beneficiaries, musculoskeletal disease was most common, but in medical insurance beneficiaries, gastrointestinal disease was most common. The mean duration of acute illness of medical aid beneficiaries was 3.8 days and that of medical insurance beneficiaries was 6.8 days. During the one year period, mean duration of medical aid beneficiaries chronic illnesses was 11.5 months which was almost twice as long compared to medical insurance beneficiaries. Pharmacy was most preferrable facility among the acute illness patient in medical aid beneficiaries, but acute cases of medical insurance beneficiaries visited the clinic most commonly. Chronic cases of both groups visited the clinic most frequently. There were some findings suggesting that much unmet need existed among the medical aid beneficiaries. In acute cases, the average number of days of medical aid users utilized medical facilities was less than medical insurance users. On the other hand, the length of medical care utilization of chronic cases was reversed. Geographical accessibility was the most important factors in utilization of medical facilities. Almost half of the study population answered the questions about source of funds on medical security correctly. Most respondents considered that the objective of medical security was afford ability. The chief complaint on hospital utilization was the complicated administrative procedures. These findings suggest that there were some problems in the medical aid system, especially in the referral system.

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Thermal Characteristics of Daegu using Land Cover Data and Satellite-derived Surface Temperature Downscaled Based on Machine Learning (기계학습 기반 상세화를 통한 위성 지표면온도와 환경부 토지피복도를 이용한 열환경 분석: 대구광역시를 중심으로)

  • Yoo, Cheolhee;Im, Jungho;Park, Seonyoung;Cho, Dongjin
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.33 no.6_2
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    • pp.1101-1118
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    • 2017
  • Temperatures in urban areas are steadily rising due to rapid urbanization and on-going climate change. Since the spatial distribution of heat in a city varies by region, it is crucial to investigate detailed thermal characteristics of urban areas. Recently, many studies have been conducted to identify thermal characteristics of urban areas using satellite data. However,satellite data are not sufficient for precise analysis due to the trade-off of temporal and spatial resolutions.In this study, in order to examine the thermal characteristics of Daegu Metropolitan City during the summers between 2012 and 2016, Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) daytime and nighttime land surface temperature (LST) data at 1 km spatial resolution were downscaled to a spatial resolution of 250 m using a machine learning method called random forest. Compared to the original 1 km LST, the downscaled 250 m LST showed a higher correlation between the proportion of impervious areas and mean land surface temperatures in Daegu by the administrative neighborhood unit. Hot spot analysis was then conducted using downscaled daytime and nighttime 250 m LST. The clustered hot spot areas for daytime and nighttime were compared and examined based on the land cover data provided by the Ministry of Environment. The high-value hot spots were relatively more clustered in industrial and commercial areas during the daytime and in residential areas at night. The thermal characterization of urban areas using the method proposed in this study is expected to contribute to the establishment of city and national security policies.

A Study on Improvement of the police disaster crisis management system (경찰의 재난위기관리 개선에 관한 연구)

  • Chun, Yongtae;Kim, Moonkwi
    • Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.556-569
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    • 2015
  • With about 75% of the population of Korea criticizing the government's disaster policy and a failure to respond to large-scale emergency like the Sewol ferry sinking means that there is a deep distrust in the government. In order to prevent dreadful disasters such as the Sewol ferry sinking, it is important to secure a prime time with respect to disaster safety. Improving crisis management skills and managerial role of police officers who are in close proximity to the people is necessary for the success of disaster management. With disaster management as one of the most essential missions of the police, as a part of a national crisis management, a step by step strengthening of the disaster safety management system of the police is necessary, as below. First, at the prevention phase, law enforcement officers were not injected into for profit large-scale assemblies or events, but in the future the involvement, injection should be based on the level of potential risk, rather than profitability. In the past and now, the priortiy was the priority was on traffic flow, traffic communication, however, the paradigm of traffic policy should be changed to a safety-centered policy. To prevent large-scale accidents, police investigators should root out improper routines and illegal construction subcontracting. The police (intelligence) should strengthen efforts to collect intelligence under the subject of "safety". Second, with respect to the preparatory phase, on a survey of police officers, the result showed that 72% of police officers responded that safety management was not related to the job descriptions of the police. This, along with other results, shows that the awareness of disaster safety must be adopted by, or rather changed in the police urgently. The training in disaster safety education should be strengthened. A network of experts (private, administrative, and police) in safety management should be established to take advantage of private resources with regard to crisis situtions. Third, with respect to the response phase, for rapid first responses to occur, a unified communication network should be established, and a real-time video information network should be adopted by the police and installed in the police situation room. Fourth, during the recovery phase, recovery teams should be injected, added and operated to minimize secondary damage.

Comparative Analysis of Community Health Practitioner's Activities and Primary Health Post Management Before and After Officialization of Community Health practitioner (보건진료원의 정규직화 전과 후의 보건진료원 활동 및 보건진료소 관리운영체계의 비교 분석)

  • Yun, Suk-Ok;Jung, Moon-Sook
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.141-158
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    • 1994
  • To provide better health care services to the rural population, the government has made the Community Health Practitioner(CHP) a regular government official from April 1, 1992. This study was carried out to study the impact of officialization of CHP on the activities and management system of Primary Health Post(PHP). Fifty PHPs were selected by two stage sampling, cluster and simple random, from 595 PHPs in Kyungnam and Kyungpook provinces. Data were collected by a personal interview with CHPs and review of records and reports kept in the PHPs. The study was done for the periods of January 1-March 31, 1992 (before officialization) and January 1-March 31, 1993 (after officialization). Ninety-six percent of the CHPs wanted to become a regular government official in the hope of better job security and higher salary. The proportion of CHPs who were proud of their iob was increased from 24% to 46% after officialization. Those CHPs who felt insecure for their job decreased from 30% to 10%. Monthly salary was increased by 34% from 802,600 Won to 1,076,000 Won and 90% of the CHPs were satisfied with their salary, also more CHPs responded that they have autonomy in their work planning, implementation of plan, management of the post, and evaluation of their activity. There were no appreciable changes in such CHPs' activities as assessment of local health resources, drawing map for the catchment area, utilization of community organization, grasping the current population structure in the catchment area, keeping the family health records, individual and group health education, and school health service. However, the number of home visits was increased from 13.6 times on the average per month per CHP to 27.5 times. More mothers and children were referred to other medical facilities for the immunization and family planning services. Average number of patients of hypertension, cancer, and diabetes in three months period was decreased from 12.7 to 11.6, from 1.5 to 1.2, and 4.3 to 3.4, respectively. Records for the patient care, drug management, and equipment were well kept but not for other records. The level of record keeping was not changed after officialization. The proportion of PHPs which had support from the health center was increased for drug supply from 14.0% to 30.0%, for consumable commodities from 22.0% to 52.0%, for maintenance of PHP from 54.0% to 68.0%, for supply of health education materials from 34.0% to 44.0%, and supply of equipment from 54.0% to 58.0%. Total monthly revenue of a PHP was increased by about 50,000 Won; increased by 22,000 Won in patient care and 34,700 Won in the government subsidy but decreased in the membership due and donation. However, there was no remarkable changes in the expenditure. The proportion of PHPs which had received official notes from the health center for the purpose of guidance and supervision of the CHPs was increased from 20% to 38% during three months period and the average number of telephone call for supervision from the health center per PHP was increased from 1.8 to 2.1 times(p<0.01). However, the proportion of PHPs that had supervisory visit and conference was reduced from 79% to 62%, and from 88% to 74%, respectively. The proportion of CHPs who maintained a cooperative relationship with Myun Health Workers was reduced from 42% to 36%, that with the director of health center from 46% to 24%, that with the chief of public health administration section from 56% to 36%, and that with the chairman of PHP management council from 62% to 38%. Most of the CHPs (92% before and 82% after officialization) stated that the PHP management council is not helpful for the PHP. CHPs who considered the PHP management council unnecessary increased from 4% to 16%(p<0.05). Suggestions made by the CHPs for the improvement of CHP program included emphasis on health education, assurance of autonomy for PHP management, increase of the kind of drugs that can be dispensed by CHPs, and appointment of an experienced CHP in the health center as the supervisor of CHPs. The results of this study revealed that the role and function of CHPs as reflected in their activities have not been changed after officialization. However, satisfaction in job security and salary was improved as well as the autonomy. Support of health center to the PHP was improved but more official notes were sent to the PHPs which required the CHPs more paper works. Number of telephone calls for supervision was increased but there was little administrative and technical guidance for the CHP activities.

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Actual Conditions and Perception of Safety Accidents by School Foodservice Employees in Chungbuk (충북지역 학교급식 조리종사원의 안전사고 실태 및 인식)

  • Cho, Hyun A;Lee, Young Eun;Park, Eun Hye
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.43 no.10
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    • pp.1594-1606
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this study was to examine safety accidents related to school foodservice, working and operating environments of school foodservice, status and awareness of safety education, educational needs, and information on qualitative improvement of school foodservice. The subjects in this study were 234 cooks in charge of cooking at elementary and secondary schools in Chungbuk. A survey was conducted from July 30 to August 8, 2012, and among 202 questionnaires gathered, 194 completed questionnaires were analyzed. Statistical analyses were performed on data utilizing the SPSS version 19.0. The main results of this study were as follows: 44.3% of workers experienced safety accidents. The most frequent safety accident was 'once' (60.5%), and most safety accidents took place between June and August (31.4%). The time at which most safety accidents happened was between 8 and 11 am. Most safety accidents happened during cooking (52.3%) and while using a soup pot or frying pot (52.4%). The most common accidents were 'burns', 'wrist and arm pain', and 'slips and falls'. Respondents who experienced safety accidents replied that 57.6% of employees dealt with injuries at their own expense, and only 35.3% utilized industrial accident insurance. In terms of the operating environment, the score for 'offering information and application' was highest (3.76 points), whereas that for 'security of budget' was lowest (1.77 points). As for accident education, employees received safety education approximately 3.45 times and 5.10 hours per year. Improving the working environment of school foodservice cooks requires administrative and financial support. Furthermore, educational materials and guidelines based on the working environment and safety accident status of school foodservice cooks are required in order to minimize potential risk factors and control safety accidents in school foodservice.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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