Purpose: it is very important to differentiate breast cancer from benign mass. There are many reports to evaluate the differential diagnosis under the several diagnostic tools. We evaluated the usefulness of mammography and Tc-99m MIBI scintimammography in the differential diagnosis of breast mass and correlated with pathologic findings. Materials and Methods: This study included 80 patients (a8e: 24-72, mean: 48.4) who underwent mammography and Tc-99m MIBI scintimammography for breast masses. Scintimammographies (anterior-posterior and lateral projections) were acquired in 10 minutes and 2 hours after intravenous injection of Tc-99m MIBI. four specialists in diagnostic radioloay and nuclear medicine evaluated the findings of breast masses under the mammography and Tc-99m MIBI scintimammography, and calculated the tumor to background (T/B) ratio. The pathologic results were obtained and we statistically analyzed the correlations between pathologic results and imaging findings under the mammography and Tc-99m MIBI scintimammography by chi-square and correlation test. Results: The sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value of mammography for detection of breast cancer were 87.5%, 56.3%, 75.0%), and 75.0% respectively. 45 cases of 80 patients were suspicious for breast cancer under the Tc-99m MIBI scintimammography. 41 cases of 45 patients were confirmed as breast cancer and the remaining 4 cases were confirmed as benign masses. The sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value and negative predictive value of Tc-99m MIBI scintimammography for detection of breast cancer were 85.4%, 87.5%, 91.1%, and 80.8% respectively. The sensitivity of scintimammography was lower than that of mammography for detection of breast cancer, however the specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value were higher. In the benign mass, the mean T/B ratio in 10 minutes was
Carbon monoxide(CO) poisoning has been one of the major environmental problems because of the tissue hypoxia, especially brain tissue hypoxia, due to the great affinity of CO with hemoglobin. Inhalation of the pure oxygen
Purpose : To evaluate the role of conventional postoperative adjuvant radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma and to determine favorable prognostic factors affecting survival. Materials and Methods : From Sep. 1985 to Mar. 1997, the number of eligible patients who received postoperative radiotherapy completely was 69. They ranged in age from 7 to 66 years (median, 47). Forty-two (61
The primary purpose of this study is to evaluate the correct nutritional status on pre-school children in Korea. Furthermore, it made an attempt to find and define nutrional problems, and assist in establishment on their nutritional improvement plan. For this, food intake and health condition (physical, clinical, biochemical and parasitological) survey on 109 Pre-school children in both sexes, randomly selected from Yang-Gu area in Gang-Won province and Rea-ju area in Kyong-gy Province, were conducted by means of three-day records, during the two periods of Spring and Fall season in 1975. The results obtained are summerized as follows: 1. The food intake; Average food intake of the subjects per day were
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.
This study, designed to establish a classification system of paddy soils and suitability groups on productivity and management of paddy land based on soil characteristics, has been made for the paddy soils on the Gimje-Mangyeong plains. The morphological, physical and chemical properties of the 15 paddy soil series found on these plains are briefly as follows: Ten soil series (Baeggu, Bongnam, Buyong, Gimje, Gongdeog, Honam, Jeonbug, Jisan, Mangyeong and Suam) have a B horizon (cambic B), two soil series (Geugrag and Hwadong) have a Bt horizon (argillic B), and three soil series (Gwanghwal, Hwagye and Sindab) have no B or Bt horizons. Uniquely, both the Bongnam and Gongdeog series contain a muck layer in the lower part of subsoil. Four soil series (Baeggu, Gongdeog, Gwanghwal and Sindab) generally are bluish gray and dark gray, and eight soil series (Bongnam, Buyong, Gimje, Honam, Jeonbug, Jisan, Mangyeong and Suam) are either gray or grayish brown. Three soil series (Geugrag, Hwadong and Hwagye), however, are partially gleyed in the surface and subsurface, but have a yellowish brown to brown subsoil or substrata. Seven soil series (Bongnam, Buyong, Geugrag, Gimje, Gongdeog, Honam and Hwadong) are of fine clayey texture, three soil series (Baeggu, Jeonbug and Jisan) belong to fine loamy and fine silty, three soil series (Gwanghwal, Mangyeong and Suam) to coarse loamy and coarse silty, and two soil series (Hwagye and Sindab) to sandy and sandy skeletal texture classes. The carbon content of the surface soil ranges from 0.29 to 2.18 percent, mostly 1.0 to 2.0 percent. The total nitrogen content of the surface soil ranges from 0.03 to 0.25 percent, showing a tendency to decrease irregularly with depth. The C/N ratio in the surface soil ranges from 4.6 to 15.5, dominantly from 8 to 10. The C/N ratio in the subsoil and substrata, however, has a wide range from 3.0 to 20.25. The soil reaction ranges from 4.5 to 8.0. All soil series except the Gwanghwal and Mangyeong series belong to the acid reaction class. The cation exchange cpacity in the surface soil ranges from 5 to 13 milliequivalents per 100 grams of soil, and in all the subsoil and substrata except those of a sandy texture, from 10 to 20 milliequivalents per 100 grams of soil. The base saturation of the soil series except Baeggu and Gongdeog is more than 60 percent. The active iron content of the surface soil ranges from 0.45 to 1.81 ppm, easily-reduceable manganese from 15 to 148 ppm, and available silica from 36 to 366 ppm. The iron and manganese are generally accumulated in a similar position (10 to 70cm. depth), and silica occurs in the same horizon with that of iron and manganese, or in the deeper horizons in the soil profile. The properties of each soil series extending from the sea shore towards the continental plains change with distance and they are related with distance (x) as follows: y(surface soil, clay content) =
Thecodiplosis japonesis is sweeping the Pinus densiflora forests from south-west to north-east direction, destroying almost all the aged large trees as well as even the young ones. The front line of infestation is moving slowly but ceaselessly norhwards as a long bottle front. Estimation is that more than 40 percent of the area of P. densiflora forest has been damaged already, however some individuals could escapes from the damage and contribute to restore the site to the previous vegetation composition. When the stands were attacked by this insect, the drastic openings of the upper story of tree canopy formed by exclusively P. densiflora are usually resulted and some environmental factors such as light, temperature, litter accumulation, soil moisture and offers were naturally modified. With these changes after insect invasion, as the time passes, phytosociologic changes of the vegetation are gradually proceeding. If we select the forest according to four categories concerning the history of the insect outbreak, namely, non-attacked (healthy forest), recently damaged (the outbreak occured about 1-2 years ago), severely damaged (occured 5-6 years ago), damage prolonged (occured 10 years ago) and restored (occured about 20 years ago), any directional changes of vegetation composition could be traced these in line with four progressive stages. To elucidate these changes, three survey districts; (1) "Gongju" where the damage was severe and it was outbroken in 1977, (2) "Buyeo" where damage prolonged and (3) "Gochang" as restored, were set, (See Tab. 1). All these were located in the south temperate forest zone which was delimited mainly due to the temporature factor and generally accepted without any opposition at present. In view of temperature, the amount and distribution of precipitation and various soil factor, the overall homogeneity of environmental conditions between survey districts might be accepted. However this did not mean that small changes of edaphic and topographic conditions and microclimates can induce any alteration of vegetation patterns. Again four survey plots were set in each district and inter plot distance was 3 to 4 km. And again four subplots were set within a survey plot. The size of a subplot was
To obtain fundamental informations on cotton breeding efficiences for Korea, individual genetic relationships and interrelationships between the agronomic characteristics of Upland cotton were investigated. These experiments were couducted at the Mokpo Branch Station
Hemodialysis is essential treatment for the chronic renal failure patient's long-term cure and for the patient management before and after kidney transplantation. It sustains the endstage renal failure patient's life which didn't get well despite strict regimen and furthermore it becomes an essential treatment to maintain civil life. Bursing implementation in hemodialysis may affect the significant effect on patient's life. The purpose of this study was to obtain the basic data to solve the hypotension problem encountable to patient and the blood loss problem affecting hemodialysis patient'a anemic states by incomplete rinsing of blood in coil through all process of hemodialysis. The subjects for this study were 44 patients treated hemodialysis 691 times in the hemodialysis unit, The .data was collected at Gang Nam 51. Mary's Hospital from January 1, 1981 to April 30, 1981 by using the direct observation method and the clinical laboratory test for laboratory data and body weight and was analysed by the use of analysis of Chi-square, t-test and anlysis of varience. The results obtained an follows; A. On clinical laboratory data and other data by dialysis Procedure. The average initial body weight was 2.37 ± 0.97kg, and average body weight after every dialysis was 2.33 ± 0.9kg. The subject's average hemoglobin was 7.05±1.93gm/dl and average hematocrit was 20.84± 3.82%. Average initial blood pressure was 174.03±23,75mmHg and after dialysis was 158.45±25.08mmHg. The subject's average blood ion due to blood sample for laboratory data was 32.78±13.49cc/ month. The subject's average blood replacement for blood complementation was 1.31 ±0.88 pint/ month for every patient. B. On the hypotensive state and the coping approaches occurrence rate of hypotension was 28.08%. It was 194 cases among 691 times. 1. In degrees of initial blood pressure, the most 36.6% was in the group of 150-179mmHg, and in degrees of hypotension during dialysis, the most 28.9% in the group of 40-50mmHg, especially if the initial blood pressure was under 180mmHg, 59.8% clinical symptoms appeared in the group of“above 20mmHg of hypotension”. If initial blood pressure was above 180mmHg, 34.2% of clinical symptoms were appeared in the group of“above 40mmHg of hypotension”. These tendencies showed the higher initial blood pressure and the stronger degree of hypotension, these results showed statistically singificant differences. (P=0.0000) 2. Of the occuring times of hypotension,“after 3 hrs”were 29.4%, the longer the dialyzing procedure, the stronger degree of hypotension ann these showed statistically significant differences. (P=0.0142). 3. Of the dispersion of symptoms observed, sweat and flush were 43.3%, and Yawning, and dizziness 37.6%. These were the important symptoms implying hypotension during hemodialysis accordingly. Strages of procedures in coping with hypotension were as follows ; 45.9% were recovered by reducing the blood flow rate from 200cc/min to 1 00cc/min, and by reducing venous pressure to 0-30mmHg. 33.51% were recovered by controling (adjusting) blood flow rate and by infusion of 300cc of 0,9% Normal saline. 4.1% were recovered by infusion of over 300cc of 0.9% normal saline. 3.6% by substituting Nor-epinephiine, 5.7% by substituting blood transfusion, and 7,2% by substituting Albumin were recovered. And the stronger the degree of symptoms observed in hypotention, the more the treatments required for recovery and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.0000). C. On the effects of the changes of blood pressure and osmolality by albumin and hemofiltration. 1. Changes of blood pressure in the group which didn't required treatment in hypotension and the group required treatment, were averaged 21.5mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference in the latter was bigger than the former and these showed statistically significant difference (P=0.002). On the changes of osmolality, average mean were 12.65mOsm, and 17.57mOsm. So the difference was bigger in the latter than in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.323). 2. Changes of blood pressure in the group infused albumin and in the group didn't required treatment in hypotension, were averaged 30mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and it showed no statistical significance (P=0.503). Changes of osmolality were averaged 5.63mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these was no stitistical significance (P=0.287). Changes of blood pressure in the group infused Albumin and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 30mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smaller in the former but there is no significant difference (P=0.061). Changes of osmolality were averaged 8.63mOsm, and 17.59mOsm. So the difference were smaller in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.093). 3. Changes of blood pressure in the group iutplemented hemofiltration and in the Uoup didn't required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and also these showed no statistical significance (P=0.320). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance（P=0.199). Changes of blood pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smatter in the former and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.035). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 17.59mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance (P=0.086). D. On the changes of body weight, and blood pressure, between the group of hemofiltration and hemodialysis. 1, Changes of body weight in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 3.340 and 3.320. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference, (P=0.185) but standard deviation of body weight averaged in comparison with standard difference of body weight was statistically significant difference (P=0.0000). Change of blood Pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 17.81mmHg and 19.47mmHg. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference (P=0.119), But in comparison with standard deviation about difference of blood pressure was statistically significant difference. (P=0.0000). E. On the blood infusion method in coil after hemodialysis and residual blood losing method in coil. 1, On comparing and analysing Hct of residual blood in coil by factors influencing blood infusion method. Infusion method of saline 200cc reduced residual blood in coil after the quantitative comparison of Saline Occ, 50cc, 100cc, 200cc and the differences showed statistical significance (p < 0.001). Shaking Coil method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of Shaking Coil method and Non-Shaking Coil method this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.05). Adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg and 200mmHg, and this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.001). 2. Comparing blood infusion method divided into 10 methods in Coil with every factor respectively, there was seldom difference in group of choosing Saline 100cc infusion between Coil at OmmHg. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 13.49cc. Shaking Coil method in case of choosing saline 50cc infusion while adjusting pressure in coil at OmmHg was the most effective to reduce residual blood. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 15.18cc.
To measure variations in some of the important agronomic characteristics of rice varieties under shifting of seedling dates, this study has been carried out at the Paddy Crop Division of Crop Experiment Station(then Agricultural Experiment Station) in Suwon for the period of three years 1958 to 1960. The varieties used in this study were Kwansan, Suwon ＃82, Mojo, Paltal and Chokwang, which have the different agronomic characteristics such as earliness and plant type. Seeds of each variety were sown at 14 different dates in 10-day interval starting on March 2. The seedlings were grown on seed bed for 30, 40, 50, 60, 70 and 80 days, respectively. The results of this study are as follows: A. Heading dates. 1. As the seeding date was delayed, the heading dates was almost proportionally delayed. The degree of delay was higher in early varieties and lower in late varieties and the longer the seedling stage, the more delayed the heading date. 2. Number of days to heading was proportionally lessened as seeding was delayed in all the varieties but the magnitude varied depending upon variety. In other words, the required period for heading in case of late planting was much shortened in late variety compared with early one. Within a variety, the number of days to heading was less shortened as the seedling stage was prolonged. Early variety reached earlier than late variety to the marginal date for the maximum shortening of days to heading and the longer the seeding stage, the limitted date came earlier. There was a certain limit in seeding date for shortening of days to heading as seeding was delayed, and days to heading were rather prolonged due to cold weather when seeded later than that date. 3. In linear regression equation, Y=a+bx obtained from the seeding dates and the number of days to heading, the coefficient b(shortening rate of days to heading) was closely correlated with the average number of days to heading. That is, the period from seeding to heading was more shortened in late variety than early one as seeding was delayed. 4. To the extent that the seedling stage is not so long and there is a linear relationship between delay of seeding and shortening of days to heading, it might be possible to predict heading date of a rice variety to be sown any date by using the linear regression obtained from variation of heading dates under the various seeding dates of the same variety. 5. It was found out that there was a close correlation between the numbers of days to heading in ordinary culture and the other ones. When a rice variety was planted during the period from the late part of March to the middle of June and the seedling ages were within 30 to 50 days, it could be possible to estimate heading date of the variety under late or early culture with the related data of ordinary culture. B. Maturing date. 6. Within (he marginal date for maturation of rice variety, maturing date was proportionally delayed as heading was delayed. Of course, the degree of delay depended upon varieties and seedling ages. The average air temperature (Y) during the ripening period of rice variety was getting lower as the heading date. (X) was delayed. Though there was a difference among varieties, in general, a linear regression equation(y=25.53-0.182X) could be obtained as far as heading date were within August 1 to September 13. 7. Depending upon earliness of a rice variety, the average air temperature during the ripening period were greatly different. Early variety underwent under 28