• Korea Information Processing Society Review
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.21-27
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• 2012

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.171-179
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• 2013

During 19th general election the customized LBSNS(Location Based SNS) application for some candidates of the National Assembly planned and developed based on the object identification, ePosition, comprising the candidate's name have been applied for an election campaign. The approval rating change before and after 19th election campaign period for each candidate was quantitatively studied how it would be affected by the candidate custom LBSNS application. Only 3 out of 24 candidates in 6 local electorates in the Daejon Metropolitan City have adopted the customized LBSNS application and the rest 21 candidates have not, whose approval rating change before and after an election campaign has been analyzed comparatively candidate by candidate. The approval rating for 3 candidates adopting LBSNS application went up by 12.6%, 11.4%, 11.2% respectively, but those for the rest 21 candidates all changed within 3%.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.208-223
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• 2020

In the 21st general election held in April 15, 2020, the importance of social media as an election campaigning tool became more prominent when engaged with Corona 19. Therefore, in this study, various studies were conducted to establish SNS strategy as an election campaign tool. This study analyzed the contents of SNS (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) activities as an election campaign tool to analyze messages on social media messages of candidates Lee Nak-yeon and candidate Hwang Kyo-an of Jongno-gu, Seoul during the 2020 21st National Assembly election. Data collection mainly analyzed posts from each candidate's official account, and the research method used text analysis using the R program. Word cloud, comparative analysis, q-graph analysis, LDA, and STM analysis were used during text analysis. In addition, the analysis result was confirmed to be statistically significant through correlation analysis. As a result of research, candidate Lee Nak-yeon's election includes corona, people, problems, crisis, suffering, and wisdom, which indicates that the crisis caused by corona must be overcome through any means possible. On the other hand, candidate Hwang Kyo-an's election includes Moon Jae-in, the regime, save, the fatherland, the judge, and the economy. And from the perspective of political publicity, candidate Lee Nak-yeon made a lot of acclaims, while candidate Hwang Kyo-an made a lot of attacks, and both themes emphasized the policy rather than the image.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2013.05a
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• pp.111-112
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• 2013

19대 총선에서 특정 후보를 홍보하기 위한 목적으로 개인 맞춤형 위치기반소셜네트워크서비스(LBSNS, Location Based Social Network Service) 앱(App)을 기획하여 개발하고 선거기간 동안 활용함으로써 선거 전후 해당 후보의 지지율 변화에 어느 정도 기여했는지 그 영향을 분석하였다. 대전광역시 6개 지역구 24명의 후보를 대상으로 개인 맞춤형 LBSNS 앱을 활용한 후보와 그렇지 않은 후보를 구분하여 선거운동 기간 동안 언론에 공개적으로 발표된 지지율과 개표 결과를 바탕으로 개인별 지지율 변화를 비교하였다. 해당 앱을 활용한 3명의 후보는 각각 12.6%, 11.4% 및 11.2%씩 두 자리 수의 지지율 상승이 있었지만 나머지 21명의 후보들은 지지율 변화는 모두 3% 이내로 머물러 개인맞춤형 스마트폰 앱을 활용함으로써 후보 지지율 상승에 상당한 효과가 있었음이 밝혀졌다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.113-140
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• 2020

This study is meaningful in that it is the first analysis of Korean elections using the concept of spatial autocorrelation. Spatial autocorrelation means that an event occurring in one location in space has a high correlation with an event occurring in the surrounding area. The voter turnout rate in the 21^st general election of Seoul area was divided into the early-voting turnout and voting-day turnout, and the spatial pattern of the turnout was examined. Most of the previous studies were based on the unit of the precinct and personal data, but this study analyzed on the basis of the lower unit, Eup-myeon-dong, and analyzed using spatial data and aggregate data. Moran I index showed a fairly high spatial autocorrelation of 0.261 in the voting-day turnout, while the index of the early-voting turnout was low at 0.095, indicating that there was little spatial autocorrelation despite statistical significance. The voting-day turnout, which showed strong spatial autocorrelation, was compared and analyzed using the OLS regression model and the spatial statistics model. In the general regression model, the coefficient of determination R² rose from 0.585261 to 0.656631 in the spatial error model, showing an increase in explanatory power of about 7 percentage points. This means that the spatial statistical model has high explanatory power. The most interesting result is the relationship between the early-voting turnout and the voting-day turnout. The higher the early-voting turnout is, the lower the voting-day turnout is. When the early-voing turnout increases by about 2%, the voting-day turnout drops by about 1%. In this study, the variables affecting the early-voting turnout and the voting-day turnout are very different. This finding is different from the previous researches.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.344-355
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• 2021

As the voting age has been lowered to 18 from the 21st general election on April 15, 2020, the use of political news, motivation for political interest, and reliability of political media of first-time voters were examined. Accordingly, we analyzed how their political efficacy affects their voting intentions. As a result of the study through the survey of participants, the use of political news by voters was to acquire political information mainly through TV and portals. And the use of traditional media such as radio and newspaper was low. first voters became interested in politics through articles delivered by the media, and it was found that they trusted the political information provided through terrestrial TV reports and debates. This generation also confirmed that if they have higher political efficacy, they show higher willingness to participate in voting. Through this study, in order to increase the political participation of the younger generation who are evaluated as having relatively low interest in politics, the role of the media was reconfirmed as the most important factor.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.35-71
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to verify the effect of electoral competition on voters deciding on strategic split-ticket voting under the mixed-member electoral system. As result, the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose to vote for the major parties. The results of logistic regression analysis including interaction terms showed that the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose for candidates from the major parties. Also, the finding shows that major party supporters are less affected by electoral competition than minor party supporters in choosing a candidate in the single-seat districts. In the case of minor party supporters, the more competitive the constituencies were, the more likely they were to choose the major party candidate instead of the minor party candidate. Based on these results, it can be inferred that voters are affected by the presence or behavior of other voters in local constituencies under the first-past-the-post rule. Because of the psychology of not wanting their votes to be useless, voters cast their ballots more strategically as the competition in constituencies intensifies, and as the competition in constituencies slackens, such tendencies weaken, and this trait is particularly evident among minor party supporters.