• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.41 no.6
• /
• pp.158-170
• /
• 2013

With the recent 'Creative economy' and 'Cultural prosperity' coming to the fore as a new code to build up a city or a region, it is necessary to focus on strengthening the regional creative capacity as well as developing spontaneous regional culture. In such trend this research aims to explore the Kyunglidan-gil, Seoul, Korea in which creative-class are appearing autogenously in clusters and forming new cultural landscape, to identify the factors of their accumulation and changing aspect of cultural landscape. This study has the following purposes: First, Investigating the historical context of the Kyunglidan-gil's landscape. Second, considering the process of the creative-class being flowed into the Kyunglidan-gil as the subject leading to the modification of the region. Third, their activity was analyzed to consider the unique aspect of forming the cultural landscape at the Kyunglidan-gil. Regarding why the creative-class should flow in, results of the study drew five factors including region in issue compared to inexpensive rents, coexistence with nature, quiet atmosphere seeming isolated from the urban confusion, location possible to test and share individual materials one likes, and a site with synergy effect of activity through the network with acquaintances. Also, five characteristics of cultural landscape forming by the people's activity were drawn - space of communication for increasing creativity, temporary and flexible spatial use, expression of one's identity and taste, distinguishing, and positive use of the existing facilities. Like this, by exposing the 'creative-class', a subject of the leader in changing process of the Kyunglidan-gil, this research identified the aspect of forming cultural landscape.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.1
• /
• pp.22-43
• /
• 2016

State Ownership of Excavated Cultural Heritage System was originated from the legislations concerning cultural objects during the Japanese colonial period (1910~1945) and was succeeded by the present Buried Cultural Properties Act enacted in 2011. Despite the importance of the system that completes the outcomes of excavations and determines the state-owned cultural properties, the foundation of national heritage, it has been limitedly regarded as administrative area and neglected by the academic scholars or policy researchers. Recently the traditional culture has drawn increasing domestic interest and awareness that the cultural heritage contributes to building cultural identity and vitalizing tourism has led to increasing the demand of a local government's role in management of the state-designated cultural heritage and even fighting for hegemony in securing the cultural objects between the central and local governments. Despite the continuing efforts for improving the selection process of cultural heritage and its management institution, establishment of an advanced objective system has been requested. This paper is intended to suggest the policy direction through demonstrating the problem and assignment caused in the process of implementing the Buried Cultural Properties Act and reviews the State Ownership of Excavated Cultural Heritage System from the legal point of view accordingly. First, I suggest improving the selection process of the state-owned cultural properties. Even though current law states that Administrator of Cultural Heritage Administration reviews the research reports and selects the possible candidates for the state-owned cultural properties almost all the cultural objects listed on the reports are practically selected. In this regard, two possible resolutions can be made; newly establishing a separate process for selecting the state-owned cultural properties after publishing the report or adding the selection process of the state-owned cultural properties during the heritage selection meeting. Either way should contribute to strengthening the impartiality and objectivity of the policy. My second suggestion is improving the operating system of the heritage selection meeting in which the cultural properties to be listed on the reports are determined. Given the present extensive assessment criteria, there is much room for certain experts' subjective opinions. Therefore, in order to enhance the fairness and credibility of the heritage selection meeting, specifying the assessment criteria and advance review of the expert list are necessary. Third, this paper suggests increasing the local government's role in management of the state-owned cultural heritage and diversifying the heritage management institution. Development of a local self-governing system has led to the increased demand for delegating the authority of the state-owned heritage management to the local governments. Along with this, the gradual improvements of public museum management raises the need for expanding the cultural benefits through increasing the local government's role in management of the state-owned heritage. Considering the fact that overall majority of the art collections housed at national or public museums is owned by the central government, developing a variety of heritage contents and vitalizing the heritage tourism are crucial. The true meaning and value of the state-owned cultural heritage hidden at the storage of a museum can be found when they are shared together with the public.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.207-241
• /
• 2007

This paper investigates the royal collection of paintings and calligraphy during King Gojong's (高宗) reign (1897~1907) based on the function of the Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂), situated at "sleeping realm (寢殿)," Gyeongbok Palace. Using the surviving palace records and art works this study argues that the date of building the hall is approximately confined to the year of 1890. Not being matched with the general opinion that the Jipgyeong-dang Hall was used for the official meeting with envoys, this hall functioned as the main place for royal audience and the storehouse for archives. The role of Gojong as collector and patron was essential not only to the maintenance of the collection but also to the strengthening of royal authority just before the Japanese annexation in 1910. The specific titles of the collection at this hall can be verified through the Catalogue of the Books, Paintings, and Calligraphy Exposed to the Sun at Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂曝曬書目) dating to the nineteenth century. The records of the catalogue inform us that more than 1,000 paintings and pieces of calligraphy, inkrubbings from old steles, manuals for painting, and encyclopedia concerning art theories from Korea, China, and Japan were preserved there. The collection of Jipgyeong-dang Hall resulted from Gojong's policy to foster the collection of contemporary Chinese and Japanese art works and various catalogues. Standing behind the Gyeongbok Palace, the Jibok-jae Hall (集玉齋) also preserved the diverse sources of practical learning, as did the Jipgyong-dang Hall for Gojong. The enormous royal collections by Gojong might have been constructed in accordance with the royal artistic taste and the artistic milieu of the late Joseon period. The surviving royal catalogues confirm this assumption as documentary evidence.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.32 no.4
• /
• pp.24-36
• /
• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
• /
• v.5
• /
• pp.87-129
• /
• 2003

The purpose of this thesis is to propose a new concept of design of the 21st century, on the basis of the study on the general signification of the structures and the signs of industrial product design, by examining the difference between modern and post-modern design, which is expected to lead the users to different design practice and interpretation of it. The starting point of this study is the different styles and patterns of 'Gestalt' in the post-modern design of the late 20th century from modern design - the factor of determination in industrial product design. That is to say, unlike functional and rational styles of modern product design, the late 20th century is based upon the pluralism characterized by complexity, synthetic and decorativeness. So far, most of the previous studies on design seem to have excluded visual aspects and usability, focused only on effective communication of design phenomena. These partial studies on design, blinded by phenomenal aspects, have resulted in failure to discover a principle of fundamental system. However, design varies according to the times; and the transformation of design is reflected in Design Pragnanz to constitute a new text of design. Therefore, it can be argued that Design Pragnanz serves as an essential factor under influence of the significance of text. In this thesis, therefore, I delve into analysis of the 20th century product design, in the light of Gestalt theory and Design Pragnanz, which have been functioning as the principle of the past design. For this study, I attempted to discover the fundamental elements in modern and post-modern designs, and to examine the formal structure of product design, the users' aesthetic preference and its semantics, from the integrative viewpoint. Also, with reference to history and theory of design my emphasis is more on fundamental visual phenomena than on structural analysis or process of visualization in product design, in order to examine the formal properties of modern and post-modern designs. Firstly, In Chapter 1, 'Issues and Background of the Study', I investigated the Gestalt theory and Design Pragnanz, on the premise of formal distinction between modern and post-modern designs. These theories are founded upon the discussion on visual perception of Gestalt in Germany in 1910's, in pursuit of the principle of perception centered around visual perception of human beings. In Chapter 2, I dealt with functionalism of modern design, as an advance preparation for the further study on the product design of the late 20th century. First of all, in Chapter 2-1, I examined the tendency of modern design focused on functionalism, which can be exemplified by the famous statement 'Form follows function'. Excluding all unessential elements in design - for example, decoration, this tendency has attained the position of the international style based on the spirit of Bauhause - universality and regularity - in search of geometric order, standardization and rationalization. In Chapter 2-2, I investigated the anthropological viewpoint that modern design started representing culture in a symbolic way including overall aspects of the society - politics, economics and ethics, and its criticism on functionalist design that aesthetic value is missing in exchange of excessive simplicity in style. Moreover, I examined the pluralist phenomena in post-modern design such as kitsch, eclecticism, reactionism, hi-tech and digital design, breaking away from functionalist purism of modern design. In Chapter 3, I analyzed Gestalt Pragnanz in design in a practical way, against the background of design trends. To begin with, I selected mass product design among those for the 20th century products as a target of analysis, highlighting representative styles in each category of the products. For this analysis, I adopted the theory of J. M Lehnhardt, who gradated in percentage the aesthetic and semantic levels of Pragnantz in design expression, and that of J. K. Grutter, who expressed it in a formula of M = O : C. I also employed eight units of dichotomies, according to the G. D. Birkhoff's aesthetic criteria, for the purpose of scientific classification of the degree of order and complexity in design; and I analyzed phenomenal aspects of design form represented in each unit. For Chapter 4, I executed a questionnaire about semiological phenomena of Design Pragnanz with 28 units of antonymous adjectives, based upon the research in the previous chapter. Then, I analyzed the process of signification of Design Pragnanz, founded on this research. Furthermore, the interpretation of the analysis served as an explanation to preference, through systematic analysis of Gestalt and Design Pragnanz in product design of the late 20th century. In Chapter 5, I determined the position of Design Pragnanz by integrating the analyses of Gestalt and Pragnanz in modern and post-modern designs In this process, 1 revealed the difference of each Design Pragnanz in formal respect, in order to suggest a vision of the future as a result, which will provide systemic and structural stimulation to current design.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.18 no.1
• /
• pp.56-68
• /
• 2003

The objects of this study are to find out (1) real situation of the food supply in prison under Imperial Government of Japan more cleary (historical meaning) and (2) which might help in understanding wrong present food consumption patterns in Korea which causes environmental as well as health problems. It is generally known that the length of the Japanese occupation for Korea is 36 years. However, it is concluded in this study that it was longer (70 years ; from 1875 to 1945 from when Japanese Army attacked and occupied Yungjongdo and Kanghwado island to e time when they were defeated on World War II.) Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910 then the Imperial Government of Japan dismissed the Korea Army, controlled the Office of Justice and the management of prison by force. Since then about 50% of all land was fell into Japanese Government ownership and 80% of Korean farmers became as tenant. After this change, Korea farmers were forced to pay extremely high rent (up to 80% of its harvest). Forced immigration, low price procurement of grain by Japanese government up to more than 30%of their production, was practiced. Accordingly, the food situation of Korean farmers became miserable, which may caused more violations of Imperial Japanese Law. Malnutrition, epidemic diseases, mortality rate of infants soared and average life expectancy shortened to 20-30 years old. This was the period of World Economic Crises and Food Crises in Japan. It was said then that if one Japanese comes to Korea then 200 Koreans will starved to death. Meanwhile, Proconsul Bureau of Chosun requested to the Department of Medicine, the Imperial University of Kyungsung to survey food supply situation of Koreans in prison throughout Korea. Objectives of the survey then was not only to find out scientifically whether it is agreeable in maintaining prisoner's health and also find out the possibility to save food during food crisis. Survey was started from 1923 and ended in 1945, and it focussed on prisoners in the Seodaemoon Prison. This report is the outcome of the first survey. They concluded that the food supplied was nutritionally (had) no problem, in compare with those of workers in the factory, students in the dormitory in Japan and with those of prisoners in Taiwan, France and Germany. Amount of grain supplied were different according to their work lord and was divided into 9 different levels. Total grain was consisted of 50% millet, 30% soybean and 20% indica rice(variety). However, there were no difference in the amount of supply of side dishes between work groups. For the highest working group, 3280g of boiled grain per day was supplied to make stomach full but as a side dishes, salty fermented bean paste, fermented fish and salty soups, etc. was supplied. Deficiency of animal protein were observed, however, high intake of soybean may possibly caused animal protein deficiency problem. On the contrary, the intake of water soluble vitamins were insufficient but the level of calcium and iron intake seems to be sufficient, however, imbalance of intake of nutrition may caused low absorbtion rate which might caused malnutrition. High intake of dietary fiber and low intake of cholesterol may possibly prohibited them from so called modem disease but may caused the defect in disease resistancy againist epidemics and other traditional disease. Over intake of salt(20-30g per day) was observed. Surveyors who attended in this survey, mentioned that the amount of food intake may nutritionally be sufficient enough but the quality of food(and possibly, the taste of food) were like that of animal feed. For the officials who received this report might consider that considering the war situation and food crisis, the supply situation of food in the prison may considered to be good enough(because they are not starving). But as a Korean who studied this report, one feel extremely pity about those situation because (situation of) those period were very harsh under the Imperial Law and keeping the Law by Koreans were almost impossible, therefore, about one third adult violated the Law and were put into jail. And they were treated like animals.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.18
• /
• pp.315-346
• /
• 2009

Korean 'Sin-Pa' play is a way to examine self-reliance of Korean culture and influence of Japanese culture on the Korean one in the early modern times. Although the 'Sin-Pa' play has been estimated negatively in many aspects, such an estimation can be different depending on the methodology. Therefore, I tried to explain a characteristics of the rise of 'Sin-Pa' play. While making these trials, I made efforts to reappreciate the developing process of Korean 'Sin-Pa' play and its theatrical structure and value. Particularly, I focused on structure of 'Sin-Pa' play in the context of an actual cognition of colonized Korea. Based on the 'Sin-Pa' play's repertoires I found out that one of the representative characteristics of Korean 'Sin-Pa' play is a changing process from orality to literacy. And I made attempts to uncover some ideological functions and their effects of 'Sin-Pa' play, focusing on and whose story line is usually consisted of 'provocation-pangs-defeat' while it interacted with 'provocation-pangs-penalty' of the structure of melodrama under the contemporary cultural conditions. 'Sin-Pa'' play can be considered as a performance mode to accept the Japanese value embedded in the colonized Korea since the 1910s on the one hand and to resist the overwhelming power of western culture imported through Japan on the other hand. In other words, it was closely related with the cultural-field of that period. Based on these results of this research, I tried to outline what the mode of 'Sin-Pa' was, what it reflected, and what it desired for under the influence of the contemporary cultural conditions. I analysed double qualities of 'Sin-Pa' play as a dominant narrative and/or a resistant narrative considering its relationship with the people of colonized Korea. And also I examined the place of the 'Sin-Pa' play in the history of theatre and in the history of culture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.47 no.2
• /
• pp.86-113
• /
• 2014

This study has researched the characteristics and elements of Chwibyeong (翠屛), a sort of trellis in the Joseon Dynasty through the old documents, and the original form of Chwibyeong at Juhapru (宙合樓) in Changdeuk Palace. The results were as follow. First, as the result of literatures analysis for Imwon-gyeongje-ji (林園經濟志) and Jeungbo-sallim-gyeongje (增補山林經濟), the plant screen was classified as kinds of support[frame] material, plants and methods of planting. It was found that the supports of Chwibyeong were made of bamboo or the material such as the Jinjangmok (眞長木: a stick of oak) and Giryu (杞柳: Salix purpurea var. japonica). The evergreen coniferous trees including Pinus densiflora, Taxus cuspidata and Thuja orientalis were mainly used for the plant material of Chwibyeong. The general planting method of Chwibyeong was to plant on the ground, but sometimes the container planting was also found on the artificial ground. Second, the term of 'Chwibyeong' in the literatures was used in only the screen made by evergreen trees, and the superordinate category term of it was indicated by 'byeong (屛)'. Therefore Chwibyeong was a compound word formed from 'chwi (翠)' which means the characteristics of evergreen and 'byeong' as tree screen which the support was made by bamboo. And Chwibyeong had semantic context which was combined with the literary symbolization to describe a landscape of green peak and Taoist ideology be inherent from 'twelve peaks of Musan[巫山十二峰]' in Sichuan sheng (四川省). Thirdly, the photograph of Chwibyeong at Juhapru taken by the 1880s, showed that Chwibyeong was made with coniferous trees and was almost 2 meters high. The Chwibyeong at Juhapru was removed during the Japanese colonial era, but a few yew trees(Taxus cuspidata) used for Chwibyeong are still remaining. And some Juniperus chinensis which the composition time is unclear, were cultivated while hung loose its branchs at the sides of Eosumun (魚水門). This Junipers were presumed to be planted by Japanese after Japanese annexation of Korea(1910), and it was judged that both of the roofs of Eosumun's side gates might have been transformed into Japanese style at the same time. Lastly, Chwibyeong at Juhapru was restored in 2008 but it was restored in wrong way from original form without precise research. Especially Chwibyeong was restored with Sasa boreralis which is damaged by frost, so it requires exertion that should revive the originals to plant original material as much as possible. And it needs the development of fabrication technique for Chwibyeong and the application to current landscape architecture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.3
• /
• pp.104-121
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Microbiology and Biotechnology Letters
• /
• v.48 no.1
• /
• pp.79-89
• /
• 2020

This study was performed to evaluate the anti-inflammatory activities of 70% ethanol extract from Ambrosia trifida L. (AT). The electron donating ability and ABTS⁺ radical scavenging ability of extract from AT was shown to be 84.1% and 92.5% at 1,000 ㎍/ml concentration. The astringent effect of extract from AT was shown to be 94.7% at 1,000 ㎍/ml. The anti- inflammatory activities of extract of AT were investigated using RAW 264.7 cells induced by lipopolysaccharide (LPS). The cell toxicity effect of AT extract on RAW 264.7 performed MTT assay. As a result of the measured cell toxicity effect, 90% or more was shown with cell viability at a 500 ㎍/ml concentration. In nitric oxide synthesis inhibition effect, it was shown that extract from AT concentration dependent inhibited nitric oxide production. The protein expression inhibitory effect of AT extract was measured by western blot at 25, 50, and 100 ㎍/ml concentration and the β-actin used as a positive control. Consequently, the inducible nitric oxide synthase (iNOS), cyclooxygenase (COX)-2 protein expression inhibitory effect was decreased by 8.6%, 25.1% at 100 ㎍/ml concentration. The phosphorylation of extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2, p38, c-Jun NH₂-terminal kinase and Iκ-Bα protein expression inhibitory effect was a decreased dependent concentration. The mRNA expression inhibitory effect was measured by reverse transcription - polymerase chain reaction at 25, 50, and 100 ㎍/ml concentration and the glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate dehydrogenase used as a positive control. Consequently, the iNOS, COX-2, interleukin (IL)-1β, IL-6 and tumor necrosis factor-α mRNA expression inhibition effect was a decreased dependent concentration in an LPS-activated macrophage. In conclusion, AT extract may have some effects on inflammatory factors as potential anti-inflammatory agents and natural substance for cosmetics.