• Title/Summary/Keyword: 16~18th Century

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The Development and Significance of Physic Gardens in the Late Goryeo and Early Joseon Dynasties (여말선초 약초원의 형성 과정과 조경사적 의미 고찰)

  • Kim, Jung-Hwa
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.45 no.5
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    • pp.60-70
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    • 2017
  • This study traces the development of physic gardens in Korea and explores their significance in the history of landscape architecture. For this purpose, records related to physic gardens from medical sources from the period of the Three States to the Joseon dynasty, when herbal medicine was systematized as a field, were searched. Physic gardens had been developed by the time of the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties, in the 13th and the 15th centuries. Yakpo(kitchen gardens for medicinal herbs) were cultivated by a group of new high-level officials in the late Goryeo dynasty, when an increasing interest in hyangyak(native herbs) emerged under the influence of the Neo-Confucian perspective on nature, which emphasized locality. The sources analyzed in this study confirm that physic gardens called jong-yakjeon(royal medicinal herb gardens) were in operation in the early Joseon dynasty when policies to investigate, discover, cultivate, and research native herbs were put into place. It is likely that the jong-yakjeon were established at the beginning of the Joseon dynasty as subsidiary facilities under its central medical institutions, the Naeuiwon and Hyeminseo, and then declined in the late Joseon dynasty. Jong-yakjeon can be confirmed to have existed in the mid-15th century. Physic gardens were located in several places outside the Fortress Wall of Hanyang, such as Yakhyeon, Yuldo, Yeoudo, and Saari. The total area encompassed by physic gardens was about 160,000 square meters in the early 18th century. In jong-yakjeon, dozens of medicinal herbs were cultivated, including Schizonepeta tenuifolia var. japonica, Rehmannia glutinosa, and Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fischer, and these gardens were operated by physicians dispatched from the Naeuiwon and dozens of provincial slaves. In conclusion, the jong-yakjeon were similar to the physic gardens of Renaissance medical universities in that they reflected the interest in and development of theories about new herbs, and were similar to the physic gardens of medieval castles and monasteries in terms of species types, location, and function. This paper has limitations in that it does not present the specific spatial forms of the yakpo or the jong-yakjeon. Nevertheless, this paper is significant for the field of garden history because it shows that physic gardens in Korea appeared in the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties concomitantly with the development of medicine towards native herbs and functioned as utilitarian gardens to cultivate community remedies.

A Study on the Transition of Salmi in Dapo Type Kong-Po(拱包) - Focused on Inner and Outer Same Chulmok(出目) - (다포계 공포의 살미 변천에 관한 연구 - 내외 2출목·내외 3출목 공포를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Byung-Chun;Lee, Ho-Yeol
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.22 no.4
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    • pp.7-18
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    • 2013
  • Integrated-Salmi can be suggested as a character of Da-po type Kong-po in Korea's traditional architecture. However, only few studies are made on this subject yet. This study is to investigate the integration process of Salmi through cases of certain Kong-po which have the same number of inner and outer Chul-mok and are also known to precede in time. The results of the study are like below. First, Integrated-Salmi is more dominant in inner and outer 3 Chul-mok Kong-po than in inner and outer 2 Chul-mok Kong-po. Second, While inner and outer 2 Chul-mok prevail in Yeong-nam region, inner and outer 3 Chul-mok prevail in Ho-nam region. Third, integrated Salmi of Inner and outer 3 Chul-mok, first appeared in internal Jusangpo to be carried over to internal Juganpo then eventually to outer Salmi. Fourth, the reason why integrated form precede in internal salmi of inner and outer 3 Chul-mok Kong-po is due to 2 main factors. First of which is the impact of integrated Boaji that developed in Da-po type since the early 16th century. The second factor is downward expansion of Cho-gak's Boaji which was adopted to cope with disorders made in structure of Chum-Cha, due to inner and outer 3 Chul-mok type buddhist temples' wide reconstruction throughout Jeolla region following the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. This study is to disclose the regularity of development process of Salmi's Cho-gak(草刻) which is a characteristic of Korea's Da-po type Kong-po.

Broadening the Understanding of Sixteenth-century Real Scenery Landscape Painting: Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion (16세기(十六世紀) 실경산수화(實景山水畫) 이해의 확장 : <경포대도(鏡浦臺圖)>, <총석정도(叢石亭圖)>를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Soomi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.18-53
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    • 2019
  • The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

Procedural Changes of Zhuzi(朱子)'s Theory of ZhongHe(中和) and the Theory of Jing(敬) (주자(朱子)의 중화설(中和說) 변천과정과 '경(敬)'공부론(工夫論))

  • Seo, Geun-Sik
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.48
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    • pp.225-252
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    • 2012
  • In this paper, the writer examined the procedural changes of Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和), and also investigated the evaluations thereof made by the later generations. In the stage of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), Zhuzi(朱子) ignored the theory of Lidong(李?), which was traditional theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). He met Zhangshi(張?) of HuXiang School(湖湘學派) and followed the school's philosophy, 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)', meaning what you should do first prior to making great efforts in self-cultivation is to examine the past, when desiring to know yourself. Even though Zhuzi(朱子) had learned the method of moral cultivation from Lidong(李?), he was fascinated by such method of moral cultivation as 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)' advocated by HuXiang School(湖湘學派) through discussion with Zhangshi(張?). This tells that he only recognized the fact that there were no achievements WeiFa(未發), but only the achievements YiFa(已發). In the stage of ZhongHeXinShuo(中和新說), he realized the mistakes committed in the time of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), and put emphasis upon the achievements in the time WeiFa(未發). Zhuzi(朱子) had explained the relationships among mind, nature, and emotional bond as by his theory, 'XinTongXingQing(心統性情)', meaning that mind controls humans' original nature. Also he followed self-cultivation of Respect, no longer believing the Huhong(胡宏)'s XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養). Such a method of self-cultivation means that his method of moral cultivation centered on the achievements YiFa(已發), which was originated from HuXiang School(湖湘學派), had been changed into the method of moral cultivation with a focus on the achievements WeiFa(未發), which was theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). However, Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) that had seemed perfect began to be discussed and polished again during Joseon Period through the debates between Ligu(栗谷) and Niuxi(牛溪) in the 16th century, and through the debates between Youan(尤庵) and Yuxuan(寓軒) in the 17th century, also through the HuLuoLunZheng(湖洛論爭) represented by Nantang(南塘) and Weiyan(巍巖). Since Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) had some flaws, it had to put through such debates as mentioned above. Those debates were generated because imperfections were found in the theory of ZhongHe(中和) by Zhuzi(朱子).

A Study on the Graphic Contents of Hyuk-Wha in the late Chosun Dynasty (조선후기 혁화의 그래픽 콘텐츠 연구)

  • 이명구;남인복
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.16 no.4
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    • pp.37-46
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    • 2003
  • About 18th century in the late Chosun dynasty, various kinds of 'Min-Wha' had played a significant role and had an important meaning in the lives of the people in that period. Therefore, both in material and in technique, so many diversified 'Min-Wha' were mass produced in that time. Starting from those backgrounds, 'Hyuk-Wha', is considered as one of unique style of expression. Though, 'Hyuk-Wha', in techniques, was originated from 'Bibaekseo' classified as one of the style of expression in Oriental drawing and writing art. 'Hyuk-Wha' shows and expresses visual differentiation from rough 'Bibaekseo', in substance, written by brush made from the skin of a willow tree or the stem of a sort of reeds. 'Hyuk-Wha', in mode, has very dose relation to the process of the development of 'Min-Wha'. Judging from this point of view, 'Hyuk-Wha' has deep relationship to Taosmic character painting of 'Gilsang: an auspicious sign' or Confucian character painting of 'Hyojae: filial piety. Accordingly, 'Hyuk-Wha' has been developed to that character painting designed by another type of creative differentiations. For these reasons, 'Hyuk-Wha' which significantly shapes and contains the meanings of Chinese Character also has been esteemed to have interrelation with Pictography in application of Word mark or Brand logotype in graphic areas. 'Hyuk-Wha' which was prevalent in use of home decorations for the people existed in the past has been ceased to exist nowadays in use of home decorations by appearance of all sort of decoration articles. All these days, 'Hyuk-Wha' which was diversified as a part 'Min-Wha' and developed together with oriental drawing and writing art and character painting is to be necessarily relighted. And 'Hyuk-Wha', which is also vigorously in practical application in Western Europe is desirable to be reconsidered.

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Women and Tobacco Use: Discrepancy in the Knowledge, Belief and Behavior towards Tobacco Consumption among Urban and Rural Women in Chhattisgarh, Central India

  • Tiwari, Ram Vinod;Gupta, Anjali;Agrawal, Ankush;Gandhi, Aniruddh;Gupta, Manjari;Das, Mayank
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.16 no.15
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    • pp.6365-6373
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    • 2015
  • Background: Tobacco consumption has become pandemic, and is estimated to have killed 100 million people in the 20th century worldwide. Some 700,000 out of 5.4 million deaths due to tobacco use were from India. The era of global modernization has led to an increase in the involvement of women in tobacco consumption in the low income and middle-income countries. Tobacco consumption by females is known to have grave consequences. Objectives: To assess: (1) the tobacco use among urban and rural women; (2) the discrepancy in the knowledge, belief and behavior towards tobacco consumption among urban and rural women in Durg-Bhilai Metropolitan, Chhattisgarh, Central India. Materials and Methods: The study population consisted of 2,000 18-25 year old young women from Durg-Bhilai Metropolitan, Chhattisgarh, Central India, from both urban and rural areas. Data were collected using a pretested, anonymous, extensive face to face interview by a female investigator to assess the tobacco use among women and the discrepancy in the knowledge, belief and behavior towards tobacco consumption among urban and rural individuals. Results: The prevalence of tobacco use was found to be 47.2%. Tobacco consumption among rural women was 54.4% and in urban women was 40%. The majority of the women from urban areas (62.8%) were smokers whilst rural women (77.4%) showed preponderance toward smokeless tobacco use. Urban women had a better knowledge and attitude towards harms from tobacco and its use than the rural women. Women in rural areas had higher odds (1.335) of developing tobacco habit than the urban women. Conclusions: Increased tobacco use by women poses very severe hazards to their health, maternal and child health, and their family health and economic well-being. Due to the remarkably complex Indian picture of female tobacco use, an immediate and compulsory implementation of tobacco control policies laid down by t he WHO FCTC is the need of the hour.

The essay of Bijeung by chinese doctors in 20th century - Study of - (20세기(世紀) 중의사(中醫師)들의 비증(痺證)에 대(對)한 논술(論述) 연구(硏究) - 《비증전집(痺證專輯)》 에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) I -)

  • Kim, Myung Wook;Oh, Min Suk
    • Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.547-594
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    • 2000
  • I. Introduction The essence of Oriental medicine consists of ancient books, experienced doctors and succeeded skills of common society. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. $\ll$DangDaeMyeongIImJeungJeongHwa(當代名醫臨證精華)$\gg$ written by SaWoogWang(史宇廣) and DanSeoGeon(單書健) has many medical experience of famous doctors. So it has important historical value. Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. So I studied ${\ll}BiJeungJuJip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision Following decisions of Chinese doctors of 20th century are as follows ; 1. JuYangChun(朱良春) emphasized on IkSinJangDok(益腎壯督) to treat BiJeong. And he devided WanBi(頑痺) as PungHanSeup(風寒濕), DamEo(痰瘀), YeolDok(熱毒), SinHeo(腎虛). He used insects for medicine. 2. ChoSuDoek(焦樹德) introduced past prescription. He used ChiBiTang(治痺湯) to treat HaengBi(行痺), TongBi(痛痺), ChakBi(着痺). He insisted that Han(寒; coldness) and Seup(濕; dampness) be Eum(陰) and Pung(風; wind) can change his character to be Eum. After all BiJeung is usually EumJeung. So he used GaeJi(桂枝) and BuJa(附子). By the way he used ChungYeolSanBiTang(淸熱散痺湯) for YeolBi, BoSinGeoHanChiWangTang SaBok(王士福) emphasized on the importance of medicine. He introduced many treatments like CheongYeol(情熱) for YeolBi and YiO(二烏) for HanBi. And he divided BiJeung period for three steps. At 1st step, we must use GeoSa(祛邪), at 2nd step, we must use BuJeong(扶正) and at 3rd step, we must use BoHyeol(補血), he insisted. And he introduced many herbs to treat BiJeung. 4. JeongGwangJeok(丁光迪) said that GaeJi(桂枝), MaHwang(麻黃), OYak(烏蘖) and BuJa(附子) are very important for TongRak(通絡). And pain usually results from Han(寒), so he liked to use hot-character herbs. 5. MaGi(馬志) insisted that BiJeung usually result from ChilJeong(七情). And he liked to use insects for treatment of BiJeung. 6. WeolSeokMu(越錫武) introduced 8 kinds of treatments and divided BiJeung period. Also he divided BeJeung for PungBi(風痺), HanBi(寒痺) and SeupBi(濕痺). 7. SeoGeaHam(徐季含) observed many patients and concluded that 86.7% of BiJeung is HeuJeung(虛症). 8. YuJiMyeong(劉志明) said that YeolBi is important and CheongYeol is also important. So he emphasized on DangGyuiJeomTongTang(當歸拈痛湯) and SeonBiTang(宣痺湯). 9. WangLiChu(汪履秋) studied cause of WanBi. Internal cause is GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛) and GanSinHeo(肝腎虛) and external cause is SaGi(邪氣) he insisted. 10. WangSaSang(王士相) said that YeolBi can be SeupYeolBi or EumHeuYeolBi(陰虛熱痺) and HanSeupBi(寒濕痺) is rare. He use WooBangJaSan(牛蒡子散) and BangPungHwan(防風丸) for SeupYeolBi, DangGyuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯) for HanSeupBi. 11. JinTaekGang(陳澤江) treated YeolBi with BaekHoGaGyeJiTang(自虎加桂枝湯) and SaMyoSan(四妙散). If they don't have effect, he tried to cure BiJeung step by step. And he used e term of GeunBi(筋痺) and BangGiMogwaEIInTang(防己木瓜薏苡仁湯) was good for GeunBi. 12. MaSeoJeong(麻瑞亭) said that PungSeupYeokJeul(風濕歷節) is BiJeung and it is related to GanBinSin(肝脾腎; liver, Spleen, Kindey). And he emphasized on balance WiGi(衛氣) and YoungHeul(營血). 13. SaJeJu(史濟桂) said that GeunGolBi(筋骨痺) is similar to arthritis and sometimes called ChakBi. And SinBi(腎痺) is terminal stage of ChakBi, he said. He also used insects for treatment. 14. JeongJeNam(丁濟南) tried to cure SLE and used GyeJi, CheonCho(川椒), SinGeunCho(伸筋草), SunRyeongBi(仙靈脾), HyconSam(玄蔘) and GamCho(甘草). 15. JinGYungHwa(陳景和) emphasized on diagnosis of tongue. If the color of tongue is blue, it usually has EoHyeol(瘀血), for example. And he also used insects. 16. JuSongI(朱松毅) tried to devide YeolBi with OnByeong(溫病), Wi(衛), Gi(氣) and Hyeol(血). 17. RuDaBong(蔞多峰) said that JyeongHeo(正虛), OiSa(外邪) and EoHyeol are closely related. And he explained BiJeung by deviding the body into the part, for example head, neck, shoulder, waist, upper limb and lower limb. 18. YuMuBo(劉茂甫) defined PungHanSyubBi as chronic stage and YeolBi as acute stage.

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A Study on the Five Colors Appearing in the Traditional Korean Bojaki of the Era of Chosun Dynasty (조선시대 보자기에 나타나는 오방색에 관한 고찰)

  • Noh Eun-Hee
    • Journal of Science of Art and Design
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    • v.6
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    • pp.81-99
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    • 2004
  • For making something to use as a tool since the emergence of mankind, the initial pragmatic purpose has transformed into a new genre of art over time. Things defined like this have rooted in our culture as tradition so far. In the midst of today's various trends, a reflection of tradition and a modern search for tradition by re-creating it are much more needed. To any people in any time, a new trend would undeniably develop on the basis of its previous tradition in any form. The colors appearing in such artwork are also an expression of each people's unconscious potentiality as essential grounds for human aesthetic. The traditional Korean Bojaki, which was made out of women's pragmatic mind trying to recycle trashy pieces of cloth in the 19th century of Chosun Dynasty, appears as a symbolization of our nation's original form in unconsciousness. It includes Confucianism, Buddhism, Zen and the Yin-Yang and Five Elements thought, which have been together with naturalism. The five colors appearing in the Yin-Yang and Five Elements are the basis. Fourteen selected samples around the five colors seen in the color scheme of the Chosun era's Bojaki were measured and their color values were found by analyzing them based on HCV(Hue, Chroma, Value)of the five primary colors as well as the five secondary colors. After choosing a few colors with bare eyes close to traditional Primary Colors and Secondary Colors amongst 14 pieces of data which particularly used traditional Five Colors and examining them using spectrophotometer(JX777), the following conclusions were drawn. Comparing only colors in Primary Colors, the result was red 7.11R 4.59/10.69, blue 6.71PB 3.18/6.45, yellow 3.91Y 7.56/6.12, respectively. With regard to Secondary Colors, it was reported that red 7.96RP 5.42/10.3, blue 7.8B 5.16/5.53, green 8.03GY 6.05/4.34, yellow 2.73Y 7.47/4.07, purple 2.39RP 4.69/4.56, respectively. (diagram) As a result, the standard of Five Colors can be used in modern fiber color. There are differences in dyeing material, methods and kinds of fiber of that time, but women of Chosun Dynasty combined and made fabric which was circulated. Consequently, an applicable attribute of the aye-color values was considered.

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The Establishment and Transformation of the Mountain Fortress Town of Kwangju County in Kyonggi Province (산성취락연구(山城聚落硏究) : 남한산성(南漢山城) 광주읍치(廣州邑治)의 형성(形成)과 쇠퇴(衰退))

  • Hong, Keum-Soo
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.10 no.2
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    • pp.313-340
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    • 2004
  • Namhansan fortress of Kwangju in Kyonggi Province has remained a traumatic historical landscape of Manchu invasion in the year 1636. Skirted by the mountain fortress and on the ground of the uplifted flatland was the county seat which was relocated in 16Z7 from Kogol at the underneath ravine and later removed in 1917 to a crossroad place at the low-lying river plain. Once a secluded mountain village, Sungnaedong was at the outset planned as a county town of Kwangju, achieving thereafter a dramatic transformation from a small town of three hundred households into a nascent urban settlement of approximately six hundred households by the mid-18th century. The townscape of Sungnaedong features shrines, a second palace, a magistrate-commander's office, administrative buildings, and a periodic marketplace which were all decreed by the Neo-confucian template of the scheme of county seats. Townspeople managed to live on tilling tax-alleviated crop lands, trading merchandise, and selling their labor. Changing socio-economic situations led to the relocation of the administration center to the gateway village of Jumakri, which consequently heralded the decline of the mountain-fortress settlement of Sansungri at Namhansan.

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Prospect Behavior in the Analysis of Kyumjae Chung Sun's One Hundred Scenes from the Real Landscape Painting (겸재 정선의 진경산수화에 나타난 조망행동 - 진경산수화 100엽을 대상으로 -)

  • 강영조;배미경
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.5
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    • pp.1-15
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    • 2002
  • The purpose of this study is to consider the relationship between point of view and prospect behavior occurring in the experience of a painted landscape. This study analyzes one hundred scenes from the 'real landscape painting' by Kyumjae, one of the most famous landscape painters in 18th century Korea. The results of the study are as follows: 1. It clarified that Kyumjae's real landscape painting's 100 scenes have many view points such as roads, bridges, pavilions, mansions, towers, terraces, hillsides, bases of mountains, broad flat roots, brooksides, and ferries that are apt to occur in the experience of a landscape. The spatial characteristics of view points are expanded fields of vision, evening and night scenes, edges of landforms and structures from which to improve ones vantage point. 2. It showed that 99 out of real landscape painting's 100 scenes depict a view point'to look'and 79 of 'to look through', 73 of 'look around'and 24 of 'to look over'. 3. It showed that real landscape painting's 100 scenes depict that the view point 'to look' is mainly upon a road from which people are looking over an elevated landscape such as the top of a mountain or rockwall. The view behaviors of looking down are depict 15 pavilions, 14 mansions, 2 broad rocks and 10 mountain tops on which people experience landscapes such as fields, rural communities and streams. The view behaviors to look depict 33 ships, 24 roads, 24 pavilions, 19 mansions and 12 terraces on which people experience landscapes such as distant views of mountains, rivers and landscapes. The view behaviors to look around to obtain orientation of landscape are depict 16 pavilions, 10 mountaintops. To glimpse on the way of journey depict 33 ships and 29 roads. To look over depict 11 mansions and 6 pavilions on which experience borrows the landscape. To look through landscapes such as rivers, mountains and rockwalls depict 15 roads, 14 pavilions and 11 mansions. To exchange looks depict 30 ships, 14 roads, 12 pavilions and 12 mansions. We expect that these results might give clues toward the experience of landscapes and the practice of landscape design methods which select viewpoints, and in the design of view points suitable to prospect behaviors.