• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.28-42
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• 2019

What is unknown about Leibniz (Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, 1646~1716), a great philosopher and mathematician, is that he inquired about ginseng. Why Leibniz, one of the leading figures of the Enlightenment, became interested in ginseng? This paper excavates Leibniz's references on ginseng in his vast amount of correspondences and traces the path of his personal life and cultural context where the question about ginseng arose. From the sixteenth century, Europe saw a notable growth of medical botany, due to the rediscovery of such Greek-texts as Materia Medica and the introduction of a variety of new plants from the New World. In the same context, ginseng, the renowned panacea of the Old World began to appear in a number of European travelogues. As an important part of mercantilistic projects, major scientific academies in Europe embarked on the researches of valuable foreign plants including ginseng. Leibniz visited such scientific academies as the Royal Society in London and $Acad{\acute{e}}mie$ royale des sciences in Paris, and envisioned to establish such scientific society in Germany. When Leibniz visited Rome, he began to form a close relationship with Jesuit missionaries. That opportunity amplified his intellectual curiosity about China and China's famous medicine, ginseng. He inquired about the properties of ginseng to Grimaldi and Bouvet who were the main figures in Jesuit China mission. This article demonstrates ginseng, the unnoticed subject in the Enlightenment, could be an important clue that interweaves the academic landscape, the interactions among the intellectuals, and the mercantilistic expansion of Europe in the late 17th century.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.61-84
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• 2019

This study is an analysis of Mengshan heshang analects. Mengshan heshang lived in Song(?) and Yuan(?) Dynasty and he was a Buddhist monk of Linji Chan(???). His works handed on Buddhist monks of Goryeo in the late Goryeo Dynasty. And he influenced Buddism in the early Joseon Dynasty. In Joseon Dynasty Mengshan heshang Sermons abstract was confirmed existence of 39 editions and Mengshan heshang Liudao Pushuo was confirmed existence of 24 editions. All 63 editions show that Sermons abstract and Liudao Pushuo are his representitive analects. All editions were printed in early Joseon Dynasty. At that time Mengshan heshang analects was distributed in Joseon Dynasty. Mengshan heshang analects was distributed in all over the nation as well as in Royal Family of Joseon. Also Mengshan heshang analects was published many times in the Mt. Jiri area. The names of almost engravers found on the publications of many temples. Some engravers actively participated in publishing Buddhist scriptures in particular area. His ideas were received in the late Goryeo Dynasty and the early Joseon Dynasty actively and his many works appears like this.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2019.05a
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• pp.17-17
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• 2019

IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) 기후변화 전망보고서에 따르면 RCP 4.5 시나리오 기준, 21세기 전 지구 평균기온은 $2.5^{\circ}C$ 상승(한반도 $+3.0^{\circ}C$)하며, 전 지구 평균강수량은 4.1% 증가(한반도 +16.0%)할 것이라 전망하고 있다(기상청, 2012). 최근 기후변화와 기상이변에 따른 도심지 폭우특성이 변화하고 있음을 많은 연구결과에서 말해주고 있으며, 그 발생 빈도와 강도가 점차 증가하고 있는 추세이다. 특히, 서울시의 경우 인구와 재산이 밀집해 있어 폭우 발생에 의한 시민의 인명과 재산 피해 우려가 크다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 서울시를 대상으로 근미래(~2050년) 기후변화 하에서의 재현기간에 따른 확률강우량 변화 특성을 분석하여 비교 평가한 후 설계 강우량 산정에 활용하고자 하였다. 관측자료 기반 강수량의 변동 특성 분석과 Non-stationary GEV방법을 이용한 비정상성 빈도해석을 수행하였으며, 근미래 폭우특성 변화분석을 위하여 CMIP5 (Coupled Model Intercomparison Project 5)에 참여한 GCMs(General Circulation Models)을 활용한 강우빈도해석을 수행하였다. Mann-Kendall Test와 Quantile Regression을 통한 서울지점 여름철 강수량(June to September)과 기준강수량 초과 강수(30, 50, 80, 100mm/hr), 연간 10th 최대 강수량(Annual Top 10th Precipitation) 등을 분석한 결과 최근 증가 경향이 뚜렷하게 나타났으며, 비정상성 빈도해석에 의한 확률강우량 분석의 가능성과 신뢰성을 확인하였다. 또한 19-GCMs을 통하여 모의된 일(Daily) 단위 강수량자료를 비모수통계적 상세화(Nonparametric Temporal Downscaling) 기법을 적용하여 시간(Hourly) 강우로 다운스케일링하였으며, 서울시 미래 확률강우량에 대한 IDF 곡선(Intensity-Duration-Frequency Curve)을 작성하여 비교?분석한 결과 지속시간 1시간 강우에 대하여 재현기간 30년, 100년 조건에서 확률강우량이 약 4%~11% 수준에서 증가하고 있음을 확인하였다. 본 연구의 결과는 도심지 수공구조물의 설계빈도 영향을 진단하고, 근미래 발생가능한 확률강우량 변화에 따른 시간당 목표 강우량설정의 방법론을 제시하였다는데 의의가 있으며, 서울시의 방재성능목표 설정과 침수취약지역 해소를 위한 기후변화에 따른 수공구조물 설계 시 활용이 가능할 것으로 기대된다.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.125-135
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• 2013

Objectives : Medical treating with eating foods is one of important therapies in East Asian traditional medical knowledge and is referred as a therapy to treat diseases through foods. Since the food cannot be separated from ordinary people living, the medical treating with eating foods is a therapy with strong locality and contains many autogenous parts. Methods : Recently, the world is showing much interest for genetic resources, and the concept of intellectual property is rapidly expanding as the field of 'new knowledge property right' as well. Thus, the knowledge of medical treating with eating foods recently draws much attention in the economic aspect beyond the scholarly interest for traditional medicine. Here, I would like to summarize and report the contents related to medical treating with eating foods on "Yi, SeikKan experience prescriptions" which was discovered before. Results & Conclusions : First, medical treating with eating porridge on "Yi, SeikKan experience prescriptions" is classified into one with nonglutinous rice as the main ingredient and the other with other grains as the main ingredient. It is differently utilized depending on the nature of the grain. Second, medical treating with eating rice on "Yi, SeikKan experience prescriptions" was born from our nation's unique way of living and is classified into one way to eat rice mixed with ground medicinal herbs, another one to cook and eat rice with mixed grains and the other way to use as the external application. Medical treating with eating rice is assumed to replace the meal. Third, "food section" was given separately and discussed in this book. There were some parts different from existing medical knowledge due to the accumulation of experience using medicinal herbs. Fourth, we should pay attention to experience a book on medicine where vibrant medical information has been recorded in order to discover and process our traditional knowledge resources as a useful form.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.225-252
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• 2012

In this paper, the writer examined the procedural changes of Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和), and also investigated the evaluations thereof made by the later generations. In the stage of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), Zhuzi(朱子) ignored the theory of Lidong(李?), which was traditional theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). He met Zhangshi(張?) of HuXiang School(湖湘學派) and followed the school's philosophy, 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)', meaning what you should do first prior to making great efforts in self-cultivation is to examine the past, when desiring to know yourself. Even though Zhuzi(朱子) had learned the method of moral cultivation from Lidong(李?), he was fascinated by such method of moral cultivation as 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)' advocated by HuXiang School(湖湘學派) through discussion with Zhangshi(張?). This tells that he only recognized the fact that there were no achievements WeiFa(未發), but only the achievements YiFa(已發). In the stage of ZhongHeXinShuo(中和新說), he realized the mistakes committed in the time of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), and put emphasis upon the achievements in the time WeiFa(未發). Zhuzi(朱子) had explained the relationships among mind, nature, and emotional bond as by his theory, 'XinTongXingQing(心統性情)', meaning that mind controls humans' original nature. Also he followed self-cultivation of Respect, no longer believing the Huhong(胡宏)'s XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養). Such a method of self-cultivation means that his method of moral cultivation centered on the achievements YiFa(已發), which was originated from HuXiang School(湖湘學派), had been changed into the method of moral cultivation with a focus on the achievements WeiFa(未發), which was theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). However, Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) that had seemed perfect began to be discussed and polished again during Joseon Period through the debates between Ligu(栗谷) and Niuxi(牛溪) in the 16th century, and through the debates between Youan(尤庵) and Yuxuan(寓軒) in the 17th century, also through the HuLuoLunZheng(湖洛論爭) represented by Nantang(南塘) and Weiyan(巍巖). Since Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) had some flaws, it had to put through such debates as mentioned above. Those debates were generated because imperfections were found in the theory of ZhongHe(中和) by Zhuzi(朱子).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.431-459
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• 2012

The purpose of this article is to compare and analyze the conventional expression of Hangul Ganchal in Cheosun Dynasty and Email. Conventional expression is used remarkably in introductions and conclusions. In introduction, it is used for addressing and safety greetings while in conclusion, it is used for closing address and closing words. In Cheosun Dynasty, an envelope of Ganchal only included the details of the receiver because the letter was genuinely delivered by someone who knew the receiver and the sender very well. An envelope of Ganchal is applicable to the screen of the internet which is used for emailing. In an email, we see the name of the sender and the title of the text and once we click the title, we are able to view the text. The difference between the Ganchal and the email was reflected on how the receiver's detail showed on Ganchal and the email show the sender's details. In a case of addressing in a letter while using the conventional expression, we can see how we use "To~" in humble term and " ~께" in a honorific term. We confirmed that the conventional expression has not yet settled in both of the Gnachal and email for the seasonal greetings. The safety greetings comprised with both of the senders' and receivers' latest updates. In Ganchal, this composition is well described conventionally, whereas in emails, only the receivers' latest news are written but the senders' latest updates are hard to be seen throughout the text. In Ganchal's closing section, the closing address and closing words were expressed conventionally. However, in the case of email; those were again hard to be found throughout. To conclude, in Ganchal the conventional expression was developed and placed in 16thcentury(Sun-eon) when there was a focus in our native language. In 17thcentury(Hyeon-eon), it stood still for a sometime and moved on to 19thcentury(Jing-eon) when there was a strong in fluence of Hangul Ganchal, which resulted in regression to the conservative expression. In general, we are able to confirm that the conventional expression is slowly disappearing.

• Journal of the Korean Vacuum Society
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.371-376
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• 1996

Au films with a thickness around 1600 $\AA$ were deposited onto glass at room temperature by ion beam sputtering with a 5 cm cold-hollow ion gun at pressure $1\times 10^{-6}-1\times 10^{-5}$ Torr. Irradiation of the Au deposited samples was carried out at pressure of $7\times 10^{-6}$ Torr. For the sputter depositions, $Ar^+$ ion energy was 1 keV, and the current density at the substrate surface was 15 $\mu$A/$\textrm{cm}^2$. Effects of 1 keV $Ar^+$ ion dose($I_d$) between $1\times 10^{16}\; and\;2\times 10^{17}\;Ar^+\textrm{cm}^{-2}$on properties such as crystallinity, surface roughness and adhesion, etc. of the films have been investigated. The Au films sputtered by $Ar^+$ ion beam had only (111) plane and the X-ray intensity of the films decreased with increase of $I_d$. The thickness of Au films reduced with Id. $R_{ms}$ surface roughness of the films increased from 16 $\AA$ at as-deposited to 1118 $\AA$ at ion dose= $2\times 10^{17}\;Ar^+\textrm{cm}^{-2}$. Adhesion of Au film on sputtered at $I_d$= $2\times 10^{17}\;Ar^+\textrm{cm}^{-2}$ was 9 times greater than that of Au film with untreated, as determined by a scratch test.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.33-61
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• 2009

In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of north­eastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to North­Western people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.13 no.2 s.20
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• pp.15-25
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• 2007

Neo-Confucianism(性理學) which provided an ideological base to found Chosun Dynasty which substituted for Koryu Dynasty, presented In-Cheong(仁政) as ideal statecraft. In-Cheong(仁政) is realizing spirit of In(仁) which means a forever creating power(生生之心), for that reason it was a natural result that the ruling class of Chosun Dynasty had interest in medical science. Therefore they remarked 'In-Cheong(仁政) has achieved' when medical books were published, also remarked Hwal-In-Seo(活人署） as an institute of realizing Wang-Cheong(王政) while Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) was placed in very low civil service grade, although the ruling class classified medical science as a Chap-Hak(雜學) which means not essential but necessary knowledge, and ranked it much lower than Confucianism. While had improved medical service system of Korea Dynasty, Chosun Dynasty had special interest in local medicine: expanding provincal medical centers, educating a medical student(醫生) in a medical school who was core human power in local medicine, etc. Nevertheless the local medicine was still depressed. The reasons are ; not providing enough medical center, not much fund to run each center and mobilizing a medical student(醫生) for miscellaneous labor. Depressed local medicine had changed when 士族 came to have an interest in medical science. 士族 had read a lots of medical books from the early Chosun Dynasty. 16th century they even wrote some books on medicine by themselves based on their experience as a provincial governor.　On the other hand Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) who wrote Muk-Jae Diary belongs to the latter. He did not use the art of acupucture. He was a civil official in Seoul, so he could get a lots of books and enough medical stuffs. After a while. he was exiled in Seong-Ju(星州) and took part in local medicine there. The local medicine was depressed in Seong-Ju(星州) at that time. Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) was a kind of medical consultant as well as a local doctor. Such medical doings by Sa-Jok(士族) may be a moment that provide power to local Sa-Jok(士族). Sa-Jok(士族) themselves were enthusiastic in treating their sick slaves because the slaves were financial foundation of Sa-Jok(士族). After 17th century, however, the relative importance which Sa-Jok(士族) in the country had held in 16th century had decreased gradually while professional doctors bad increased.