• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.15-26
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• 2022

Various subjects are carrying out cyberattacks using a variety of tactics and techniques. Additionally, cyberattacks for political and economic purposes are also being carried out by groups which is sponsored by its nation. To deal with cyberattacks, researchers used to classify the malware family and the subjects of the attack based on malware signature. Unfortunately, attackers can easily masquerade as other group. Also, as the attack varies with subject, techniques, and purpose, it is more effective for defenders to identify the attacker's purpose and goal to respond appropriately. The essential goal of cyberattacks is to threaten the information security of the target assets. Information security is achieved by preserving the confidentiality, integrity, and availability of the assets. In this paper, we relabel the attacker's goal based on MITRE ATT&CK® in the point of CIA triad as well as classifying cyber security reports to verify the labeling method. Experimental results show that the model classified the proposed CIA label with at most 80% probability.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.84 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2023

The liver imaging reporting and data system (LI-RADS) has been developed with the support of the American College of Radiology to standardize the diagnosis and evaluation of treatment response of hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). The CT/MRI LI-RADS version 2018 has been incorporated in the American Association for the Study of Liver Diseases guidance. This review examines the effect of CT/MRI LI-RADS on the standardized reporting of liver imaging, and the evidence in diagnosing HCC and evaluating treatment response after locoregional treatment using CT/MRI LI-RADS. The results are compared with other HCC diagnosis guidelines, and future directions are described.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.10-25
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to investigate the reality behind Jeongjo's enjoyment of the palace garden. If I were to summarize the results of this research, they are as follows: First, The 'Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)' has the differentiation which decided and regularized the rules and the regulations with the annual meetings for the Kyujanggak(奎章閣). Jeongjo had held the events five times. Second, The 'Seshimdae(洗心臺) Excursion' is based on the tragic personal history of Jeongjo. There were four events. Third, Jeongjo had enjoyed the 'viewing of the waterfall(觀瀑)' of the Okryucheon(玉流川) where a lot of the water overflows right after it rains. This is worth the special mention with regard to the point that it is a temporary landscape and not an usual landscape. Fourth, As an event for the military officers, the 'Seoljungryonghohwe(雪中龍虎會)' was held seven times. This event had been held in the middle of the winter. And each of the attendees skewered a pheasant and roasted and ate it. Also, it emphasized the sovereign and the subjects being the partners of the joys and the sorrows by giving the alcoholic drinks and the music. Fifth, Jeongjo had consoled the hard work by the civilian subjects either by holding the brazier feast(煖爐會) in the winter or by granting the alcoholic drinks and the foods according to the historical facts of the brazier feasts. Sixth, Jeongjo was good at archery and enjoyed it. During the period of his reign, Jeongjo held twice Yeonsarye(燕射禮). Seventh, Jeongjo soothed his desire to get out of the busy everyday life at the royal palace garden. While appreciating the natural landscape of the backyard, he was awakened of the meaning of the Book of Changes(周易) in which all the things had been created and changed. Eighth, At the royal palace garden, Jeongjo actively prepared the place for enjoyment by the sovereign and the subjects together. It is judged that this is because, in order to materialize his political ideals, the support by all the subjects who had been close was needed. The limitation of this research is the fact that the research had been proceeded with limited to the translations, among the many old writings related to Jeongjo. With the accumulation of the excavations of the new thoughts and of the results of the translations, the researches that are deeper will be needed.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.8 no.1_2
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• pp.57-62
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• 1974

이 논문(論文)은 1973년(年) ICSH주최로 열린 panel에서 적혈구파괴(赤血球破壞) 장소(場所)를 결정(決定)하기 위한 생체(生體) 체표계측법(醫表計測法)의 표준화(標準化)에 관(關)한 토론(討論) 결과(結果)를 초록(抄錄)한 것이다. 체표계측(體表計測)은 체외(體外)에서 계측기(計測器)를 이용(利用)하여 각(各) 장기(臟器)에서의 방사표지물질(放射標識物質)의 분포(分布) 및 시간경과(時間經過)에 따른 변화(變化)를 측정(測定)하는 것으로서 $^{51}Cr$를 사용(使用)하여 적혈구수명(赤血球壽命)을 측정(測定)할 때 간(肝), 비(脾), 심장(心臟)의 방사능(放射能)을 계측(計測)한다. 이 방법(方法)은 각(各) 장기(臟器)에서의 적혈구파괴(赤血球破壞)의 정도(程度)를 예측할 수 있다. 특(特)히 용혈성(溶血性) 빈혈환자(貧血患者)에서 비장적출(脾臟摘出) 여부를 결정(決定)하는데 도움이 된다. 이 panel에서는 주(主)로 오차(誤差)의 원인(原因)이 되는 여러가지 요인(要因)에 대(對)하여 토론(討論)하였으며 일반적으로 다음과 같은 것에 의견(意見)의 일치(一致)를 보았다. 즉(卽) 비장(脾臟)의 위치(位置)는 $^{99m}Tc$로 비주사(脾走査)를 실시하여 결정(決定)하는것이 좋고, $^{51}Cr$은 체중(體重) 1kg당 $1.5{\mu}Ci$를 사용하여, 계측기(計測器)는 NaI crystal(직경이 5cm이상, 두께가 3.75cm이상)의 scintillation doctor를 사용하고, 계측(計測)은 $^{51}Cr$로 표지(標識)된 적혈구(赤血球) 주입후(注入後) 15분(分) 이후(以後)에 하고 다음날 계측(計測)한 후(後) 2주(週) 동안에 적어도 6번 계측(計測)한다. Data 처리는 excess count법(法)과 비(脾)와 간(肝)의 비(比)로서하는 것이 좋다.定値)에 차이(差異)가 있어 그 결과(結果)의 해석(解釋) 및 비교(比較) 검토(檢討)에 적지않은 난점(難點)이 생겨 표준화(標準化)된 공통적(共通的)인 방법(方法)의 사용(使用)이 중요(重要)하다는 사실(事實)이 인식(認識)되게 되었다. 1966년(年) 호주(濠洲)의 Sydney에서 개최(開催)되었든 제11차(第11次) 국제혈액학회(國際血學會)때 열린 제4차(第4次) International Committee for Standardization in Haematology(ICSH)에서 Diagnostic Applications of Radioisotopes in Haematology에 관(關)한 expert panel을 갖을것을 의결(議決)하여 다음과 같은 12명(名)의 위원(委員)이 결정(決定)되었으며 위원회(委員會)의 의장(議長)에 Dr. Szur, 총무(總務)에 Dr. Glass가 각각(各各) 선임(選任)되었다. 그간(間) 1967년(年) 영경(英京) London에서 첫 회합(會合)이 있은후(後) New York, Vienna(IAEA후원(後援)) Brthesda(NIH후원(後援))에서 전문위원회(專門委員會)를 갖고 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)에 관(關)한 의견(意見)의 일치(一致)를 보았다. ICSH와 국제혈액학회(國際血學會)에서는 이번에 결정(決定)된 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)을 널리 소개(紹介)하며, 측정법(測定法)과 얻어진 결과(結果)의 해석(解釋)에 표준화(標準化)를 기(期)할 목적(目的)으로 이에 연관성(聯關性)있는 전문지(專門誌)에 게재(揭載)할 것을 요청(要請) 받었기에 이에 전문(全文)을 소개(紹介)하는 바이다. 이들은 방사성(放射性) chromium 법(法)의 모든 세부적(細部的)인 면(面)을 표준화(標準化)하고 있으며 그간(間) 가장 논란(論難)의 대상(對象)이 되었던, $^{51}Cr$-표지방법(標識方法)에 있어서의 세가지 변법(變法),

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 1971

혈액질환(血液疾患), 특히 용혈성빈혈(溶血性貧血)을 수반(隨伴)한 경우(境遇)에 적혈구(赤血球)의 생성(生成) 및 파괴과정(破壞過程)을 정확(正確)히 파악(把握)하는 것은 중요(重要)하여 특히 적혈구수명측정(赤血球壽命測定)은 빈혈(貧血)의 본능(本能) 및 발생기전(發生機轉)을 이해(理解)하는데는 물론 병인적(病因的) 치료(治療) 및 예후(豫後)를 결정(決定)하는데 대단(犬端)히 유용(有用)하다. 적혈구수명측정(赤血球壽命測定)에는 1919년(年) Ashby가 개발(開發)한 differential agglutination법(法)이 이용(利用)되어 왔으나 수혈(輸血)에 따른 위험(危險)이 있고 방법(方法)이 복잡(複雜)하다는 단점(短點)을 가져 새로운 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)이 연구(硏究)되어 왔다. 최근(最近)에 $^{51}Cr$이나, $^{32}DFP$같은 방사성동위원소(放射性同位元素)를 이용(利用)한 방법(方法)이 도입(導入)된 이래(以來) 임상적(臨床的)으로 적혈구수명측정(赤血球壽命測定)이 많이 시행(施行)되고 있지만 아직까지도 그 방법(方法)이나 결과(結果)의 해석(解釋)에 표준화(標準化)가 안되어 있다. 현재(現在) 임상영역(臨床領域)에서 가장 널리 이용(利用)되고 있는 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)은 방사성(放射性) chromium($^{51}Cr$)법(法)으로 1950년(年) Gray와 Sterling에 의(依)해 창안(創案)된 이래(以來) 많은 학자(學者)들에 의(依)해 여러 가지 변법(變法)이 고안(考案)되어 왔는데, 이의 가장 큰 이유(理由)는 $^{51}Cr$이 적혈구표지(赤血球標識)에 가장 이상적(理想的)인 것만은 아니고 그 결과(結果)에 많은 요인(要因)들이 영향(影響)을 미치기 때문이다. 또 이런 변법(變法)의 사용(使用)은 각(各) 검사(檢査)에서 계산(計算)된 측정치(測定値)에 차이(差異)가 있어 그 결과(結果)의 해석(解釋) 및 비교(比較) 검토(檢討)에 적지않은 난점(難點)이 생겨 표준화(標準化)된 공통적(共通的)인 방법(方法)의 사용(使用)이 중요(重要)하다는 사실(事實)이 인식(認識)되게 되었다. 1966년(年) 호주(濠洲)의 Sydney에서 개최(開催)되었든 제11차(第11次) 국제혈액학회(國際血學會)때 열린 제4차(第4次) International Committee for Standardization in Haematology(ICSH)에서 Diagnostic Applications of Radioisotopes in Haematology에 관(關)한 expert panel을 갖을것을 의결(議決)하여 다음과 같은 12명(名)의 위원(委員)이 결정(決定)되었으며 위원회(委員會)의 의장(議長)에 Dr. Szur, 총무(總務)에 Dr. Glass가 각각(各各) 선임(選任)되었다. 그간(間) 1967년(年) 영경(英京) London에서 첫 회합(會合)이 있은후(後) New York, Vienna(IAEA후원(後援)) Brthesda(NIH후원(後援))에서 전문위원회(專門委員會)를 갖고 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)에 관(關)한 의견(意見)의 일치(一致)를 보았다. ICSH와 국제혈액학회(國際血學會)에서는 이번에 결정(決定)된 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)을 널리 소개(紹介)하며, 측정법(測定法)과 얻어진 결과(結果)의 해석(解釋)에 표준화(標準化)를 기(期)할 목적(目的)으로 이에 연관성(聯關性)있는 전문지(專門誌)에 게재(揭載)할 것을 요청(要請) 받었기에 이에 전문(全文)을 소개(紹介)하는 바이다. 이들은 방사성(放射性) chromium 법(法)의 모든 세부적(細部的)인 면(面)을 표준화(標準化)하고 있으며 그간(間) 가장 논란(論難)의 대상(對象)이 되었던, $^{51}Cr$-표지방법(標識方法)에 있어서의 세가지 변법(變法), 즉 ACD법(法), Citrate-wash법(法), ACD/ascorbic acid법(法)을 모두 인정(認定)하고 있다. 또한, DFP($DF^{32}P$ 또는 $^3H-DFP$) 표지법(標識法)의 표준방법(標準方法)도 기술(記述)하고 있으며, 더욱 중요(重要)한 것은 적혈구수명측정법(赤血球壽命測定法)으로서 현재(現在)까지 대부분(大部分)의 학자(學者)가 사용(使用)하여 왔던 지표(指標)인 $T_{50}Cr$ 대신(代身)에 mean red cell life span을 사용(使用)할 것을 권(勸)하고 있다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.62-79
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• 2020

The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2018

This study aims to investigate an aspect of physical palace by reviewing the emergences of tigers and leopards in the palace in Hanyang from the environmental historical perspective. To do so, three topics in environmental history were reviewed including 'environment,' 'impact of human-beings on the environment,' and 'sense and attitude of human-beings on the environment' based on the historical records such as "'Wangjoshilok(王朝實錄)". The results of this study are as follows. First, It was confirmed that leopards and tigers were emerged not only in the palace but also near the City Wall of Hanyang from time to time in Joseon Dynasty. Moreover, tigers lived and propagated in the backyard. Second, This situation may be caused by the natural factors of palace in Hanyang including location, philosophy and technique of building, and so on. That means 'good location' placed by palace worked favorably not only for human-beings but also for the activities of tigers and leopards. Third, In addition to the locational environment, forest policies on the palace and capital may facilitate the emergences of leopards and tigers. With the managements of pine trees, prohibition of burials, prohibition of climbing, prohibition of mountain entrance, and so on, forests were developed in the mountainous territories, which might play a role of shelters or passages for the tigers and leopards. Fourth, It was confirmed that countermeasures on the emergences of tigers in the palace as well as the capital city were different by the kings. Out of these, Jeong-jo was highlighted to seek the realistic countermeasures with actual understanding on the emergences of tigers and leopards. Fifth, In summary, frequent emergences of tigers and leopards in the palace and capital city could be a practical evidence to show 'pro-naturalism' or 'eco-friendliness' of the palace in Joseon which was mentioned superficially, paradoxically speaking. Further studies with the related disciplines are required on the cultural or ecological history of the palace. In addition, it is considered to conduct more detailed scientific studies related to the trend of ecological changes in Joseon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.1-14
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• 2021

Ssangsanjae was created in the mid-1800s, It is located at Jiri Mountain to the north and the Seomjin River to the south. This garden has not changed much even though it has passed through the sixth generation since its creation, so it still retains the features of a private garden in the late Joseon Dynasty. This study focused on the changing landscape of Ssangsanjae as a historical garden; through field surveys, interviews and analysis of builder's collection, boards and couplets. Ssangsanjae is largely classified into inner and outer gardens, and the inner is divided into an entry space, a residential space, and a backyard. The backyard consists of Seodangchae, it's garden, Gyeongamdang, and swimming pool, and is connected to the Sado Reservoir area, which is the outer garden. The distinct vegetation landscape of Ssangsanjae are a 13,000m² bamboo and green tea field, Peony(Paeonia suffruticosa Andr. and Paeonia lactiflora var. trichocarpa(Bunge) Stern) planted on both sides of the road that crosses the lawn, the view through a frame(額景) shown by the twisted branches of Camellia and Evergreen spindletree, and a fence made of Trifolia Orange(Poncirus trifoliata) and Bamboo. Ssangsanjae stands out for its spatial composition and arrangement in consideration of the topography and native vegetation. The main building was named by the descendants based on the predecessor's Aho(pseudonym), and it is the philosophical view of the predecessors who tried to cultivate the younger students without going up on the road. The standing stone and white boundary stone built by Mr. Oh Ju Seok are Ssangsanjae's unique gardening facilities. The stone chairs, and swimming pool which were created by the current owner for the convenience of families and visitors also make a distinctive landscape. Ssangsanjae, for residents, was a place for living, exchanging friendships, training himself and seculusion, for children was a place for learning, but now is 'the private garden' where many people can heal themselves. Over the 200 years, the landscape of Ssangsanjae's inner and outer gardens experienced large and small changes. As such, it is necessary to recognize the historical gardens with changing properties as a living heritage. This study is significant in that, as the first study to approach Ssangsanjae in the view of landscape research, it provides basic data on Ssangsanjae as a destination of garden tourism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.62-79
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• 2015

The Stele for State Preceptor Doseon and Seon Master Sumi of Dogapsa Temple in Yeongam was erected in the fourth month of 1653. It was made with stone obtained from Yeosan(present-day Yeosan-myeon, Iksansi), and contains an inscription - engraved in the spring of 1651 - commemorating the two priests. The project to erect the monument was led by eminent monks, including Gakseong and Sucho, with the support of royal patrons and powerful statesmen including Prince Inpyeong(1622~1658). This monument is thought to be the first of its kind to have a capstone in the shape of a 'dragon loop' handle of the kind traditionally attached to the top of a temple bell. Stone stelae with a dragon-loop-shaped capstone continued to be used by the royalty and nobility of Joseon until the 18th century. The inscription engraved on the rear face of the monument reveals that it was made by Jo Mal-ryong, a renowned stonemason who worked on stone monuments and figures for royal tombs in the mid-Joseon period. He is known as the only stonemason to have been awarded the third highest rank(Jeong-sampum) of government, including the posts of Grand Master(Tongjeong Daebu) and General(Jeolchung Janggun), as recorded in the inscription. The monument corroborates the prevalent view that he was the creator of monumental capstones of the highest aesthetic merit in Joseon, and provides valuable insights about the leading artisans who produced monumental stones for royal tombs in the 17th century. This particular monument is highly regarded as a valuable historical relic because of the detailed information contained in the inscription, including the dates, work processes, patrons and artisans related with its creation, and because it features outstanding workmanship by some of the greatest artisans of the period. The monument also provides important clues about the transition from the Buddhist monuments created under the auspices of the royalty and nobility of mid-period Joseon to the symbolic stone structures and figures made for the tombs of royalty and nobility.