• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.73-95
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• 2012

Two experiments were conducted to verify how the factors of attentional dispersion, reason for waiting, and cue of time flow affect the perceived waiting time. In experiment 1, based on the characteristics of waiting experience that Maister(1985) suggested, levels of attentional dispersion and whether or not offering a reason for waiting were manipulated. Participants estimated elapsed time(the objective time was 10 minutes) using either prospective or retrospective estimation method. Overall results were that they overestimated the elapsed time regardless of the experimental conditions. However, both main effects of the attentional dispersion and the reason for waiting were statistically significant. That is, when attention was more dispersed and when the reason was given, overestimation of elapsed time was reduced. No difference was found between the two estimation methods, and none of the interaction was significant. Experiment 2 was a replication of Experiment 1 except that a cue of time flow was added by using scroll bar on a computer screen. Because it has been suggested that the cue can help us to manage the waiting time and result in differences between the two time estimation methods. The results showed that main effects of the attentional dispersion and the reason for waiting were significant as those in Experiment 1. In addition, main effect of time estimation method and the three-way interaction were also significant. None of two-way interaction was significant. That is, the perceived waiting time is much shorter in the retrospective method, and the effects of the attentional dispersion and the reason of waiting were dependent upon the estimation methods. Both experiments showed that offering a clear reason for waiting is more important than the attentional dispersion in reducing the perceived waiting time. Some implications of these results for the service industry and the future direction of research were discussed in the final section.

• Journal of the Institute of Electronics Engineers of Korea TC
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.21-28
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• 2011

We consider an RFID network configured as a star in which tags stationarily move into and out of the vicinity of the reader. To cognize the neighboring tags in the RFID network, we propose a scheme based on dynamic framed and slotted ALOHA which determines the number of slots belonging to a frame in a dynamic fashion. The tag cognizance scheme distinctively employs a rule for estimating the expected number of neighboring tags, identified as R-retrospective maximum likelihood rule, where the observations attained in the R previous frames are used in maximizing the likelihood of expected number of tags. Simulation result shows that a slight increase in depth of retrospect is able to significantly improve the cognizance performance.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 1988

This study examines the sampling bias that may have resulted from the large number of missing observations. Despite well-designed and reliable sampling procedures, the observed sample values in DSFH(Demographic Survey on Changes in Family and Household Structure, Japan) included many missing observations. The head administerd survey method of DSFH resulted in a large number of missing observations regarding characteristics of elderly non-head parents and their children. In addition, the response probability of a particular item in DSFH significantly differs by characteristics of elderly parents and their children. Furthermore, missing observations of many items occurred simultaneously. This complex pattern of missing observations critically limits the ability to produce an unbiased analysis. First, the large number of missing observations is likely to cause a misleading estimate of the standard error. Even worse, the possible dependency of missing observations on their latent values is likely to produce biased estimates of covariates. Two models are employed to solve the possible inference biases. First, EM algorithm is used to infer the missing values based on the knowledge of the association between the observed values and other covariates. Second, a selection model was employed given the suspicion that the probability of missing observations of proximity depends on its unobserved outcome.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

Based on the analysis and interpretation of the headwords and poetic words of a group of eleven collecting sceneries of Jeonju, the origin and transformations of the Jeonju-Palkyung(Eight sceneries of Jeonju) investigated by a time-series analysis are as follows. As there is no collection of landscape with a formal structure similar to that of the current Jeonju-Palkyung, prior to the Palkyung by Chujae(秋齋) Cho Soo-Sam(趙秀三, 1762~1849), there is no significant problem in assuming the eight poems in Chujaejib(秋齋集) are the origins of the Jeonju-Palkyung, and it is estimated to have been produced in 1829. In the late-19th century poem 'Wansanseunggyeong(完山勝景)', 'the Palkyung in Yeollyeo Chunhyang Sujeolga', and 'the Palkyung delivered by poet Shin Seokjeong in the Japanese colonial era', only the 'Dongpogwibeom(東浦歸帆)' changed from Dongjipo to Dongchon of Bongdong as for 'Landscape Setting There($L_{ST}$)' according to changes in district administration; despite this change, the fact that they are not too different from the Palkyung of Cho Soo-Sam, also supports this. Moreover, according to the headword concordance analysis, it is proven that the Jeonju-Palkyung was established in the late-19th century and continued to be the region's representative sceneries even during the Japanese colonial era, and later 'Namcheonpyomo(南川漂母)' and 'Gonjimangwol(坤止望月)' were added to expand to the Jeonju-Sipkyung(ten sceneries of Jeonju). But when we see there are famous spots that are the origins of the Jeonju-Sipkyung, including Gyeonggijeon, Geonjisan, Jogyeongdan, Omokdae, and Girinbong, Deokjinyeon, and Mangyeongdae, all of which have great representational significance as the capital of Jeolla Provincial Office as well as of the place of origin for Joseon Dynasty in the grouping of sceneries during the early Joseon Dynasty, including "Paehyangsipyeong (沛鄕十詠)", "Gyeondosipyeong (甄都十詠)", and "Binilheonsipyeong(賓日軒十詠)", the beginnings of the semantic Jeonju-Palkyung should be considered up to the first half of Joseon Dynasty. During this period, not only the fine sceneries with high retrospective merit as the capital of Hubaekje, like Gyeonhwondo(甄萱都), but also the sceneries like Mangyeongdae that reminds people of Jeong Mongju(鄭夢周) and Yi Seonggye(李成桂) in the late period of Goryeo appeared, elevating the status of Jeonju as the capital of Hubaekje and shortening the historical gaps as the place of origin of the Joseon Dynasty. The Jeonju-Palkyung is an organic item that carries the history of the Joseon Dynasty after Hubaekje and has gone through many cycles of disappearing and reappearing, but it has continued to change and transform as the region's representative sceneries. The Jeonju-Palkyung is a cultural genealogy that helps one understand the 'Jeonju Hanpunggyeong(韓風景: the sceneries of Korea in Jeonju)', and the efforts to preserve and pass it down to the next generation would be the responsibility of the people of Jeonju.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.