• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.273-280
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• 2021

GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.146-183
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• 2000

통과이상적연구(通過以上的硏究), 장상한학술적성숙기(將傷寒學術的成熟期), 칙지명대여청대관여상한의학사적내용정리(則至明代與淸代關與傷寒醫學史的內容整理) 여하(如下). 1. 명청시대적시대배경사상한학적내용갱풍부(明淸時代的時代背景使傷寒學的內容更豊富), 촉진상한학술적발전(促進傷寒學術的發展) 병차출현료흔다관여상한적저작(幷且出現了?多關與傷寒的著作), 단실제상야출현료상한론내용적중복여지론술일반부분(但實際上也出現了傷寒論內容的重複與只論述一般部分), 혹저자립안조잡적처방지폐단(或著者立案粗雜的處方之弊端). 차기우출현각종상한학파적리유(此期又出現各種傷寒學派的理由), 시인위당시류행적사조(是因爲當時流行的思潮), 칙정주리학적영향여명대문단부고(則程朱理學的影響與明代文壇復古), 의고적추향(擬古的趨向), 환유금원시대적백가쟁오등(還有金元時代的百家爭嗚等), 성료형성상한학파적기초(成了形成傷寒學派的基礎). 2. 위료불실거상한론적본래의식(爲了不失去傷寒論的本來意識), 주장정리화고정원문회부왕숙화이전모양적착간중정파시왕안도기료개단(主張整理和考訂原文恢復王叔和以前模樣的錯簡重訂派是王安道起了開端), 방유집확대료기의식(方有執擴大了其意識). 유창여침명종시대표저학파학자(喩昌與沈明宗是代表這學派學者), 장로(張?) 정응모(程應?) 주양준(周揚俊) 오겸등수료저학설(吳謙等隨了這學說). 3. 주장(主張)'존왕(尊王)(숙화(叔和))찬성(贊成)(무기(无己))'적유호구론파(的維護舊論派), 주장료불능수변개상한론삼음삼양편적배렬여순서(主張了不能隨變改傷寒論三陰三陽篇的排列與順序), 문자(文字), 구문(句文), 문장(文章), 고세식(高世?), 진념조등인(陳念祖等人). 4. 주장상한론적정수재어변증론치(主張傷寒論的精髓在於辨證論治), 선우운용칙능득상한핵심리론적학파시변증론치학파(善于運用則能得傷寒核心理論的學派是辨證論治學派). 저학파분사개계통(這學派分四?系統), 이처방수집증상적의가유허굉(以處方收集證狀的醫家有許宏), 가금(柯琴), 서대춘(徐大椿); 이치법수집증상적의가유오인구(以治法收集證狀的醫家有吳人駒), 우이(尤怡); 이분유륙경찰증상적의가유진념조(以分有六經察證狀的醫家有陳念祖), 포성(包誠); 이증상분류증후적의가유류순(以證狀分類證候的醫家有劉純), 왕긍당(王肯堂), 진지정(秦之楨), 침금오등인(沈金鰲等人). 5. 회통파유량종류형(?通派有兩種類型), 일시수통상한여온병적학파(一是誰通傷寒與溫病的學派), 간칭회통파(簡稱?通派), 대표의가유도화(代表醫家有陶華), 오정(吳貞), 유근초등인(兪根初等人), 령일개유회통중의여서의적립장상해석상한적의가당종해(?一?有?通中醫與西醫的立場上解釋傷寒的醫家唐宗海). 6. 경전학파시이상한론위보귀적경전래인식(經典學派是以傷寒論爲保貴的經典來認識), 병차지유숭상차경여사상적학파(幷且持有崇尙此經與思想的學派), 차리분량개편우원문적고증래연구적경전고증파(此里分兩?偏于原文的考證來硏究的經典考證派), 화인위지유상한론(和認爲只有傷寒論), 재능총괄치료외감병(才能總括治療外感病), 부정온병학설병배척적경전림상파(否定溫病學說幷排斥的經典臨床派).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.249-286
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• 2011

This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.49-57
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• 2020

Traditional landscape is a cultural asset left by Seonhyeon to modern society, and it can not only understand the landscape culture of ancient tradition but also provides / provided a new creative material for modern landscape designs / designed. However, it is well known that Korea and China have a relationship between the development and exchange of landscaping in a global background, the succession of traditional landscape architecture culture in a global background covers many dimensions, including protection, development and innovation, and that "traditional and modern" and "regionally and internationality" should be harmonized with each other. This study uses traditional Korean and Chinese landscaping buildings as research subjects to extract and organize related data through various channels, including basic literature research that understands the history and culture of the two countries. I interpreted the cultural backgrounds of the two countries by dividing them into religious ideas, traditional culture, and natural views, and highlighted the history of development and the relationship between the two countries. Based on this, it analyzed the differences created by traditional landscaping between Korea and China, and also specifically analyzed the "creation of righteous army" and "the law of righteous army." In particular, this study sought to inherit and innovate traditional landscape culture for the internationalization of "One Belt, One Road" based on the characteristics of Korea and China's landscape through a comparative analysis of the construction elements and methods of Yihwawon of the Ming and Qing periods and Gyeongbokgung Palace of the Joseon Dynasty on the theoretical background of landscaping and the significance of landscaping. The direction for the development and exchange with landscaping between the two countries was presented in line with the development trend of Korea-China landscaping in the global environment. In the future, the development of landscaping between the two countries is expected to be key to international cooperation in traditional culture, creative combination of local characteristics, creation of a harmonious landscape architecture environment, and co-prosperity of various cultures.