The Landscape Configuration and Semantic Landscape of Hamheo-pavilion in Gokseong (곡성 함허정(涵虛亭)의 경관짜임과 의미경관)
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- Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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- v.33 no.1
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- pp.52-64
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- 2015
This research traced the characteristics of the semantic landscape, construction intent, landscape composition, and geomantic conditions of the area subject to the research based on the research methods of 'field investigation, document studies, and interviews,' centering around the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion (Jeonnam Tangible Cultural Assets No. 160). The result of the research, specifically revealing the forms and methods by which the reciprocal view of nature and landscape composition appearing in the landscape of the entire area of Hamheo-pavilion, as part of the analysis and interpretation over the view-based construction characteristics and position of the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion, can be summarized as follows. First, Hamheo-pavilion is a pavilion built as a resting area and as a venue for educational activities in 1543 in the nearby areas after Gwang-hyeon Sim founded Gunjichon-jeongsa for educational activities and dwelling purposes at Gunchon at the 30th year of King Jungjong. Gunchon, where Hamheo-pavilion and Gunjichon-jeongsa is located, exhibits the typical form having water in the front, facing Sunja-river(present Seomjin-river), and a mountain in the back side. Dongak-mountain, which is a guardian mountain, is in a snail-type form where cows leisurely ruminate and lie on the riverside, and the Hamheo-pavilion area is said to be an area bordering on one's way of enjoying peace and richness as it is a place with plentiful grass bushes available for cows to ruminate and lie down while sheppards may leisurely play their flutes at the riverside. The back hill of Hamheo-pavilion is a blood vessel that enters the water into the underwater palace of the turtle, and the building sitting on the turtle's back is Hamheo-pavilion, and the Guam-jodae(龜巖釣臺) and lava on the southern side below the cliff can be interpreted to be the underwater fairly land wanted by the turtle.6) Second, Hamheo-pavilion is the scenery viewpoint of Sungang-Cheongpung (3rd Scenery) and Seolsan-Nakjo(雪山落照, 9th Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Gokseong, while also the scenery viewpoint of Hamheo-Sunja(2nd Scenery) and Cheonma-Gwiam(天馬歸岩, 3rd Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Ipmyeon. On the other hand, the pavilion is reproduced through the aesthetics of bends through sensible penetration and transcendental landscape viewed based on the Confucian-topos and ethics as the four bends among the five bends of Sunja-river arranged in the 'Santaegeuk(山太極) and Sutaeguek(水太極, formation of the yin-yang symbol by the mountain and water)' form, which is alike the connection of yin and yang. In particular, when based on the description over Mujinjeong (3rd Bend), Hoyeonjeong(4th Bend), andHapgangjeong(2nd Bend) among the five bends of Sunja-river in the records of Bibyeonsainbangan-jido(duringthe 18th century) and Okgwahyeonji(1788), the scenery of the five bends of Sunja-river allow to glimpse into its reputation as an attraction-type connected scenery in the latter period of the Joseon era, instead of only being perceived of its place identity embracing the fairyland world by crossing in and out of the world of this world and nirvana. Third, Hamheo-pavilion, which exhibits exquisite aesthetics of vacancy, is where the 'forest landscape composed of old big trees such as oak trees, oriental oak trees, and pine trees,' 'rock landscape such as Guam-jodae, lava, and layered rocks' and 'cultural landscape of Gunchon village' is spread close by. In the middle, it has a mountain scenery composed of Sunja-river, Masan-peak, and Gori-peak, and it is a place where the scenery by Gori-peak, Masan-peak, Mudeung-mountain, and Seol-mountain is spread and open in
식생활은 인간 생활의 주체이고 먹는다는 것은 그 수단이다. 그중 중요한 하나의 명제는 인간이 놓여진 여러 환경에서 어떻게 건강을 유지하고 그 개체가 소유하고 있는 능력을 최대치까지 생리적으로 성장 발전시킴과 동시에 최대한 수명을 연장시키기 위한 식물 섭취방법을 마이크로 레벨까지 해명하는데 있다. 인간은 일생동안 엄청난 양의 음식물을 먹는다(70세 수명일 경우 200만 파운드 즉 체중의 1,400배). 그러나 먹기는 먹되 자신의 건강과 장수를 위하여 어떤 음식을 어떻게 선택하여 어떻게 먹어야 하는 문제가 매우 중요하다. 최근 우리나라도 국민 소득이 늘면서 식생활은 서구화 경향으로 기우는 듯하다. 공해를 비롯한 수입식품 등 여러 가지 문제점이 제기됨에 따라 자연식과 건강식을 주장하는 소리가 높이 일고 있다. 그중에는 축산 식품이 콜레스테롤 함량이 다른 식품에 비하여 높게 함유하고 있다는 것으로 심혈관질환의 주범인양 무차별 강조하는 나머지 육식공포 내지는 계란 등의 혐오감 마저 불러 일으키는 경향까지 있는 듯하다. 따라서 본논고에서는 축산식품중의 콜레스테롤 함량수준이 과연 성인병의 주범인지 아니면 다른 지방산과 관련해서 올바르게 평가하고 그 문제점과 대책을 개관해 보고 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. 사람은 유사이래 본능적으로 주변의 식물이나 동물의 고기를 먹고 성장하여 자손을 증식시키고 어느 사이에 늙으면 죽음을 맞이 하는 싸이클을 반복하면서 기나긴 세월동안 진화를 하여 오늘날의 인간으로서의 자태를 이루었다. 유인원과 같은 인류의 선조들은 수렵을 통해 육식을 많이 하였을 것이므로 인간은 원래 육식동물이 아닐까? 구석기시대의 유물을 보면 많은 뼈가 출토되고 “얄타미라”나 “라스코” 동굴벽화가 선명하게 묘사되고 있다. 2. 우리나라 선조 승구족의 일파가 백두산을 비롯한 만주 송화강 유역에 유입되면서 수렵과 목축을 주요 식품획득의 수단으로 식품문화권을 형성하면서 남하하여 한반도 민족의 조상인 맥족(貊族)으로 맥적(貊炙)이라고 하는 요리(오늘날의 불고기)를 먹었다는 기록이 있다. 3. 인간의 수명을 1900년대로 거슬러 올라가서 뉴질랜드가 세계최장수국(호주는 2위)로서 평균수명은 남자 58세, 여자 69세인 반면 일본과 한국은 당시 남자 36세, 여자 37세이던 것이 일본은 1989년에 이르러 세계 최장수국으로 등장했으나 1990년 당시 뉴질랜드
The study attempts to interpret original location and landscape composition of Yowol-pavilion Garden under the premise that tablet and poetry are important criteria for inference of unique location and landscape composition of a pavilion garden. The study raises the meaning, status, and value of Yowol Pavilion Garden as a cultural asset. The results of the study are as follows. First, Yowol-pavilion Garden was a place where famous Confucius scholars in Joseon Dynasty in 16th Century, including Kim, Kyung-Woo, the owner of the garden, used to share the taste for the arts and poetries with their colleagues. Along with a main characteristic of Yowol Pavilion Garden as a hideout for the Confucius scholars who stayed away from a political turmoil, the new place characteristic of the garden, a bridgehead for the formation of regional identity, was discovered in the record of "Joseon-Hwanyeo-Seungram Honam-Eupji JangSeong-Eupji", As described in "The first creative poetry of Yowol-pavilion", the intention for the creation of Yowol-pavilion Garden and the motive for its landscape composition is interpreted as a space of rivalry where the world, reality and ideals are mixed up. Second, related to outstanding scenic factors and natural phenomena when taking a view from the pavilion, the name of the house 'Yowol', which means 'Greeting the moon rising on the Mt. Wolbong' is the provision of nature and taste for the arts, and is directly connected to the image of leaving the worldly. In other words, the name was identified to be the one that reflected the intention for landscape composition to follow the provision of nature separating from joy and sorrow of the mundane world. Third, as for the location, it was confirmed through "YeongGwang-Soksu-Yeoji-Seungram" that Yowol-pavilion Garden was a place where the person who made the pavilion prepared for relaxation after stepping down from a government post, and literature and various poetry show that it was also a place of outstanding scenic where Yellow-dragon River meandered facing Mt. Wolbong. Especially, according to an interview with a keeper, the visual perception frequency of the nightscape of Yowol-pavilion Garden is the highest when viewing by considering the east, the direction of Yellow-dragon River, as Suksigak[normal angle's view], towards Yowel-pavilion from the keeper's house. In addition, he said that the most beautiful landscape with high perception strength is when the moon came up from the left side of Yowol-pavilion, cuts across the Lagerstroemia india heal in front of Yowol-pavilion, and crosses the meridian between Mt. Wolbong peaks facing Yowol-pavilion. Currently, the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden is
This paper illustrate residual hearing and socio-medical background on the hearing impaired children, 207 comming to Deaf School. attached to Hankuk Social Work College, Taegu, Korea. The survey was performed through interview with their parents and testing by diagnostic audio-meter (TRIO, AS 105 type) at soundproof room from March 10, to November 28, 1973. The results obtained were as follows. 1) The attendance rate of the compulsory primary school was markedly lower tendency in female than male according to directly proportional to prevalence rate of deafness among them. If was showed the deeper gap in the more superior school (middle and high school). 2) Who entered at the suitable age to each school (six years old to primary school, 12 years to middle and 15 years to high) was 11.3%. And who were enrolled in school age to each school (6-11 years for primary. 12-14 years for middle and 15-17 years for high) was 45.9% (43.7% in male, 50.0% in female). 3) As causative disease, congenital case, were 23.6% included of 13.5% of heredity and 10.1% of troubles during pregnancy; the total acquired cases were 47.9%, it was classified as 11.6% of convulsion from any other diseases, 7.7% of measles, 7.7% of other febrile diseases, 3.4% of drug (the most of streptomycin) intoxication, 2.4% of meningitis, 1.5% of epidemic encephalitis and 31.3% of other diseases; and unknown cases were 28.5%. 4) 31.4% of who included congenital cases lost their hearing within six months old, 11.6% in 6-11 months. 9.7% in 1-2 years old and 14.0% in 2-3years old. Consequently we obtained that the most cases 90.0% were lost their hearing within 3 years after birth. 5) According to qualities of hearing leases the most of cases were perceptive, 197(97.5%), only two cases were conductive, and eight cases were mixed. 6) The status of residual hearing according to average grade of hearing loss.
오늘 저희에게 주어진 주제, 내일에 타당한 간호사업 및 간호교육의 향방을 어떻게 정하여야 하는가의 논의는 오늘날 간호계 주변에 일어나고 있는 변화의 실상을 이해하는 데서 비롯되어져야 한다고 생각하는 입장에서 먼저 세계적으로 건강관리사업이 당면한 딜레마가 어떠한 것이며 이러한 문제해결을 위해 어떠한 새로운 제안들이 나오고 있는가를 개관 하므로서 그 교육적 의미를 정의해 보고 장래 간호교육이 지향해야할 바를 생각해 보려 합니다. 오늘의 사회의 하나의 특징은 세계 모든 나라들이 각기 어떻게 전체 국민에게 고루 미칠 수 있는 건강관리체계를 이룩할 수 있느냐에 관심을 모으고 있는 사실이라고 봅니다. 부강한 나라에 있어서나 가장 빈궁한 나라에 있어서나 그 관심은 마찬가지로 나타나고 있읍니다. 보건진료 문제의 제기는 발달된 현대의학의 지식과 기술이 지닌 건강관리의 방대한 가능성과 건강 관리의 요구를 지닌 사람들에게 미치는 실질적인 혜택간에 점점 더 크게 벌어지는 격차에서 발생한다고 봅니다. David Rogers는 1960년대 초반까지 갖고 있던 의료지식의 축적과 민간인의 구매력 향상이 자동적으로 국민 건강의 향상을 초래할 것이라고 믿었던 순진한 꿈은 이루어지지 않았고 오히려 의료사업의 위기는 의료지식과 의료봉사간에 벌어지는 격차와 의료에 대한 막대한 투자와 그에서 얻는 건강의 혜택간의 격차에서 온다고 말하고 있읍니다. 균등 분배의 견지에서 보면 의료지식과 기술의 향상은 그 단위 투자에 대한 생산성을 낮춤으로서 오히려 장애적 요인으로 작용해온 것도 사실이고 의료의 발달에 따른 일반인의 기대 상승과 더불어 의료를 태성의 권리로 규명하는 의료보호사업의 확대로 야기되는 의료수요의 급증은 모두 기존 시설 자원에 압박을 초래하여 전래적 의료공급체제에 도전을 가해 왔으며 의료의 발달에 건 기대와는 달리 인류의 건강 문제 해결은 더욱 요원한 과제로 남게 되었읍니다. 현시점에서 세계인구의 건강문제는 기아, 영양실조, 안전한 식수 공급 및 위생적 생활환경조성의 문제에서부터 가장 정밀한 의료기술발달에 수반되는 의료사회문제에 이르는 다양한 문제를 지니고 있으며 주로 각개 국가의 경제 사회적 여건이 이 문제의 성격을 결정짓고 있다고 볼수 있읍니다. 그러나 건강 관리에 대한 요구는 영구히, 완전히 충족될 수 없는 요구에 속한다는 의미에서 경제 사회적 발달 수준에 상관없이 모든 국가가 공히 요구에 미치지 못하는 제한된 자원문제로 고심하고 있는 실정입니다. 또 하나의 공통된 관점은 각기 문제의 상황은 달라도 오늘날의 건강 문제는 주로 의료권 밖의 유전적 소인, 사회경제적, 정치문화적인 환경여건과 각기 선택하는 삶의 스타일에 깊이 관련되어 있다는 사실입니다. 따라서 오늘과 내일의 건강관리 문제는 의학적 견지에서 뿐 아니라 널리 경제, 사회, 정치, 문화적 관점에서 포괄적인 접근이 시도되어야 한다는 점과 의료의 고급화, 전문화, 일변도의 과정에서 소외되었던 기본건강관리체계 강화에 역점을 둔 다양하고 탄력성 있는 사업전개가 요구되고 있다는 점입니다. 다양한 건강관리요구에 적절히 대처할 수 있기 위한 그간 세계 각처에서 시도된 새로운 건강관리 접근과 그 제안을 살펴보면 대체로 4가지의 뚜렷한 성격들로 집약할 수 있을 것 같습니다. 그 첫째는 건강관리사업계획 및 그 수행에 있어 지역 사회의 적극적 참여를 유도하는 일, 둘째는 지역단위의 일차보건의료에서 부터 도심지 신예 종합병원, 시설 의료에 이르기까지 건강관리사업을 합리적으로 체계화하는 일. 셋째로 의료인력이용의 효율화 및 비의료인의 훈련과 협조 유발을 포함하는 효과적인 인력관리에 대한 제안과 넷째로 의료보험 및 각양 집단 의료유형을 포함하는 대체 의료재정 운영관리에 관련된 제안들을 들 수 있읍니다. 건강관리사업에 있어 지역사회 참여의 의의는 첫째로 사회 경제적인 제약이 모든 사람에게 가능한 최대한의 의료를 모두 고루 공급하기 어렵게 하고 있다는 점에서 제한된 정부재정과 지역사회가용자원을 보다 효율적으로 이용할 수 있게 하는 자조적이고 자율적인 지역사회건강관리체제의 구현에 있다고 볼 수 있으며 둘때로는 개인과 가족 및 지역민의 건강에 영향하는 많은 요인들은 실질적으로 의료권 외적 요인들로서 위생적인 생활양식, 식사습관, 의료시설이용 등 깊이 지역사회특성과 관련되어 국민보건의 실질적 향상을 위하여는 지역 주민의 자발적인 참여가 필수여건이 된다는 점 입니다. 지역 단위별 체계적인 의료사업의 전개는 제한된 의료자원의 보다 합리적이고 효율적인 이용을 가능하게 하며 요구가 있을때 언제나 가까운 거리에서 경제 사회적 제약을 받지 않고 이용할 수 있는 일차건강관리망을 통하여 건강에 관련된 정보를 얻으며 질병예방, 건강증진 및 기초적인 진료의 도움을 얻을 수 있고 의뢰에 대한 제2차, 제3차 진료에의 길은 건강관리사업의 질과 폭을 동시에 높고 넓게 해 줄 수 있는 길이 된다는 것입니다. 인력 관리에 관련된 두가지 기본 방향으로서는 첫째로 기존보건의료인력의 적정배치 유도이고 둘째는 기존인력의 역할확대, 조정 및 비의료인의 교육훈련과 부분적 업무대체를 들수 있으며 이러한 인력관리의 기본 방향은 부족되는 의료인력의 생산성을 높이고 주민들의 자조적 능력을 강화시킨다는 데에 두고 있음니다. 대체적 의료재정운영안은 대체로 의료공급과 재정관리를 이원화하여 주민의 경제능력이 의료수혜의 장애요소로 작용함을 막고 의료인의 경제적 동기에 의한 과잉치료처치에 의한 낭비를 줄임으로써 의료재정의 투자의 효과를 증대하는 데(cost-effectiveness) 그 기본방향을 두고 있다고 봅니다. 이러한 주변의료 사회적인 동향이 간호교육의 미래상에 끼치는 영향은 지대한 것이라 봅니다. 첫째로 장래 세계인구의 건강문제는 정치, 사회, 경제, 환경적인 의료권 밖의 요인들에 의해 더욱 크게 영향 받는다고 전제한다면 건강문제해결에 있어서도 전통적인 의료사업의 접근에서 더나아가 문제발생의 근원이 되는 생활개선이라는 차원에서 포괄적 접근을 생각하여야 하고 이를 위해선 정치, 경제, 사회전반에 걸친 깊이있는 이해과 주민의 생활환경에 직접 영향하는 교통수단, 통신망 mass media, 전력문제, 농업경영방법 및 조직적 사회활동 등 폭넓은 이해가 요구된다고 봅니다. 둘째로, 지역사회참여의 의의를 인정한다면 지역민의 자발적 참여를 효과적으로 유발시킬수 있고 의료집단과 각종 주민조직과 일반주민들 사이에서 협조적으로 일할수 있는 역량을 기르기위한 교육적 준비가 요구된다고 봅니다. 셋째로, 지역주민의 건강관리 자조능력 강화를 하나의 목표로 삼는다면 치료자에서 교육자로, 지도자에서 촉진자로, 제공자에서 지원자료의 역할의 변화 내지 다양화를 요구하게 될 것이므로 그에 대처할 수 있는 준비가 필요하다고 봅니다. 넷째로, 생각되어야 할 점은 지역중심건강관리사업을 지향하는 보건의료의 이념적 방향과 그에 상응하는 구체적 접근방법을 효율적으로 적용하기 위해서는 종횡으로 연결되는 의사소통체계의 정립과 민활한 정보교환이 이루어질 수 있어야 한다는 점에서 의사소통의 구심체로서 역할할 수 있는 역량을 함양해야 할 교육적 과제가 있다고 봅니다. 마지막으로 생각되어야 할 점은 지역중심으로 전개될 건강관리사업은 건강증진 및 질병예방적 측면과 질병진료 및 회복과 재활에 이르는 종합적이고 포괄적인 사업이어야 한다는 점에서 종래 공공 의료부문과 사설의료기관 사이에 나누어져 있던 예방의학과 치료의학의 통합 뿐 아니라 정부주축으로 이루어 지고 있는 지역사회개발사업 및 농촌지도사업과 종교 및 각종 민간인 집단이 벌이고있는 사업들과의 전체적인 통합적 접근이 이루어져야 한다고 생각하는 입장에서 종래 간호교육이 강조하지 않던 진료의 의무와 대외적 조직활동에 대한 보완적인 교육조치가 요구된다고 봅니다. 간호의 학문체계로서의 입장은 오랜 역사를 두고 논의의 대상이 되어왔으나 아직까지 뚜렷이 어떤 것이 간호 특유의 지식체계이며 건강문제에 관련하여 무엇이 간호특유의 결정영역이며 이 결정과 그 결과를 어떠한 방법으로 치료적 행위로 옮길 수 있는가에 대한 확실한 답을 얻지 못하고 있는 실정이라고 봅니다. 다만 근래에 제시된 여러 간호이론들 속에서 공통적으로 이야기되어지고 있는 개념들로선 우선 간호학문을 건강과 질병에 관련된 인간의 전인적이고 전체적인 상황을 다루는 학제적 과학으로서보는 입장이 있고 따라서 생물신체적인 면 외에 정신심리적, 사회경제적, 정치문화적 환경과의 상호작용 속에서 인간의 건강과 질병문제를 생각한다는 지향을 갖고 있다고 말할 수 있겠읍니다. 간호교육은 간호계 내적인 학문적, 이론적 체계화의 요구에 못지않게 대민봉사하는 전문직으로서의 사회적 책임을 감당해야하는 중요과제를 안고있어 변화하는 사회요구에 효과적으로 대처해 나가야 할 당면문제를 안고 있읍니다. 간효역할 확대, 보건진료원훈련 등 이러한 사회적 요구에 대응하려는 조치가 되겠읍니다. 이러한 시점에서 간호계가 분명히 짚고 넘어가야 할 사실은 이러한 움직임들이 종래의 의사들의 외업무공급을 연장 확대하는 입장에 서서 간호의 특수전문직 명목을 흐리게 할수있는 위험을 감수할 것인지 아니면 가능한 대체방안을 갖고 간호전문직의 독자적인 진로를 개척하면서 다각적인 도전을 받아들일 준비를 갖추든지 그 방향을 뚜렷이 해야할 일이라 생각합니다. 저로서는 이미 잘 훈련된 간호원들과 조산원들의 교육적, 경험적 배경을 기반으로 지역사회 최일선 건강관리요원으로 사회적 효능을 다 할수 있는 일차건강관리간호조직의 구현을 대체방안으로 제시하고 싶습니다. 간호원과 조산원들의 훈련된 역량과 건강관리체제의 구조적 변화를 효과적으로 조화시킨다면 대부분의 세계인구의 건강문제는 해결가능하다고 보는 입장입니다. 물론 정책과 의료와 행정적지원이 활성화되어지는 환경속에서만 그 기대하는 결과가 확대되리라는 점 부언하는 바입니다. 마지막으로 언급하고 싶은 점은 바로 오늘의 주제 ''교육의 동역자-선생과 학생''이라는 개념입니다. 특히 상회정의적 입장에서 보는 의료사업전개에 지역민 내지 의료소비자의 참여를 강조하는 현시점에 있어 교육자와 학생이 교육의 현장에서 서로 동역자로서 학습의 책임을 나누는 경험은 아주 시기적으로 적합하여 교육적으로 지대한 의미를 갖는 것이라고 생각합니다. 이에 수반되어져야 할 역할의 변화에 수용적인 자세를 갖고 적극 실제적용하려 노력하는 선생앞에서 자주적 결정을 행사해본 학생이야말로 건강관리대상자로 하여금 같은 결정권을 행사할수 있도록 촉구하여 주민의 자조적 역량을 기르고 의료사업의 민주화, 인간화를 이룩할 수 있는 길잡이가 될 수 있으리라 믿는 바입니다.
In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.
Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.
The expansion of the Changjiang Diluted Water (CDW) plume during summer is known to be a major factor influencing phytoplankton diversity, community structure, and the regional marine environment of the northern East China Sea (ECS). The discharge of the CDW plume was very high in the summer of 2020, and cruise surveys and stationary monitoring were conducted to understand the dynamics of changes in environmental characteristics and the impact on phytoplankton diversity and community structure. A cruise survey was conducted from August 16 to 17, 2020, using R/V Eardo, and a stay survey at the Ieodo Ocean Research Station (IORS) from August 15 to 21, 2020, to analyze phytoplankton diversity and community structure. The southwestern part of the survey area exhibited low salinity and high chlorophyll a fluorescence under the influence of the CDW plume, whereas the southeastern part of the survey area presented high salinity and low chlorophyll a fluorescence under the influence of the Tsushima Warm Current (TWC). The total chlorophyll a concentrations of surface water samples from 12 sampling stations indicated that nano-phytoplankton (20-3 ㎛) and micro-phytoplankton (> 20 ㎛) were the dominant groups during the survey period. Only stations strongly influenced by the TWC presented approximately 50% of the biomass contributed by pico-phytoplankton (< 3 ㎛). The size distribution of phytoplankton in the surface water samples is related to nutrient supplies, and areas where high nutrient (nitrate) supplies were provided by the CDW plume displayed higher biomass contribution by micro-phytoplankton groups. A total of 45 genera of nano- and micro-phytoplankton groups were classified using morphological analysis. Among them, the dominant taxa were the diatoms Guinardia flaccida and Nitzschia spp. and the dinoflagellates Gonyaulax monacantha, Noctiluca scintillans, Gymnodinium spirale, Heterocapsa spp., Prorocentrum micans, and Tripos furca. The sampling stations affected by the TWC and low in nitrate concentrations presented high concentrations of photosynthetic pico-eukaryotes (PPE) and photosynthetic pico-prokaryotes (PPP). Most sampling stations had phosphate-limited conditions. Higher Synechococcus concentrations were enumerated for the sampling stations influenced by low-nutrient water of the TWC using flow cytometry. The NGS analysis revealed 29 clades of Synechococcus among PPP, and 11 clades displayed a dominance rate of 1% or more at least once in one sample. Clade II was the dominant group in the surface water, whereas various clades (Clades I, IV, etc.) were found to be the next dominant groups in the SCM layers. The Prochlorococcus group, belonging to the PPP, observed in the warm water region, presented a high-light-adapted ecotype and did not appear in the northern part of the survey region. PPE analysis resulted in 163 operational taxonomic units (OTUs), indicating very high diversity. Among them, 11 major taxa showed dominant OTUs with more than 5% in at least one sample, while Amphidinium testudo was the dominant taxon in the surface water in the low-salinity region affected by the CDW plume, and the chlorophyta was dominant in the SCM layer. In the warm water region affected by the TWC, various groups of haptophytes were dominant. Observations from the IORS also presented similar results to the cruise survey results for biomass, size distribution, and diversity of phytoplankton. The results revealed the various dynamic responses of phytoplankton influenced by the CDW plume. By comparing the results from the IORS and research cruise studies, the study confirmed that the IORS is an important observational station to monitor the dynamic impact of the CDW plume. In future research, it is necessary to establish an effective use of IORS in preparation for changes in the ECS summer environment and ecosystem due to climate change.
Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.
The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.