• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.57
• /
• pp.250-266
• /
• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
• /
• no.5
• /
• pp.135-174
• /
• 2007

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.142
• /
• pp.121-143
• /
• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.31
• /
• pp.177-196
• /
• 2013

This paper is the study of literary modernism school(新感覺派 xinganjuepai), appeared in the early 20th century in China and Japan. This literary modernism, developed in Japan in the 1920s, was developed in China after 10 years in the 1930s. Chinese literary modernism was influenced by the Japanese school. However, the following occurs the difference in modernism caused by background of the two countries. Japanese school of literary modernism was formed by a backlash against the proletarian literature. The rivalry between Japanese proletarian literature and literary modernism occurred in 1920's. Literary modernism in China occurred in the course of the development of the proletarian literature, as part. In addition, China's literary writers of modernism have expressed their support proletarian literature for the position. This difference between the two countries can be caused by the difference of historical background (imperial and colonial) in early 20th century.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.5 no.6
• /
• pp.193-208
• /
• 2005

The purpose of this study was to look into Korean film criticism that started during Japanese occupation. It's specifically attempted to shed light on the development and significance of Joseon film criticism and on film movement theory as part of the history of Korean early modern film criticism. When kino-drama that could be called the start of Joseon movies was popular, enlightenment-based view of movie was rampant due to the inflow of western civilization and modernistic consciousness. Afterwards, the nature of movie itself drew a lot of attention from contemporary people in the silent picture days, and there appeared a critical trend in pursuit of artistry. Diverse criteria of criticism about reality and representation were presented, and a lot of disputes were eventually stirred up. Thus, criticism started to make a progress. A proletarian film movement theory, the so-called KAPF film campaign that was prevalent from the mid-1920s to the mid-1930s, was one of leading contemporary movie theories and took the lead in critic community. That had a great impact on the entire Joseon film circles. That took a proletarian view of movie, which was based on Bolshevik theory of Popularization and dialectic historical materialism. their criticism made a contribution to providing information on foreign movies and theories and to presenting main principles and multiple alternatives toward film organization and playing.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.142
• /
• pp.75-97
• /
• 2017

This study purpose is to discuss critically the conception of history in Hegel and Marx by drawing on Merleau-Ponty's existential theory of history, finishing with concluding remarks. Merleau-Ponty insists that history is always history experienced. This thesis is his own principle in investigating human history. From this perspective, he begins to flesh out problems with history which Hegel and Marx had understood idealistically and materialistically respectively. He criticised that if Hegel grasps history in terms of teleology, he failed to explain the source and origin of historical meaning from which history makes sense. He failed to think that what gives history meaning comes from embodied consciousness. This means that history is not made of dialectical thinking. The thing is different from such an imaginative construal. History as it stands is not like that. It is not running around like Hegelian dialectical thinking. Marx understood historical behavior wrongly when he explained class struggle in terms of productive relations. He disregarded how class was sedimented or embodied in the minds of proletarians. Owing to this, Marx could not suppose that class consciousness is determined not causally or externally but by incarnated experience. It is affected in so far as it is affected by somebody, that is, the worker. At that moment only Class consciousness begins to work. Marx did not catch sight of this hidden fact.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
• /
• s.34
• /
• pp.197-217
• /
• 2014

The 1920s and 1930s ushered in "the golden age" of Chinese comics when the comics flourished. Satirical cartoons in modern Chinese comics were popular due to emotional instability and war caused by foreign powers. Among many popular comics, this paper analyzes in the 1920s and in the 1930s which were made into films and dramas. Chapter Two shows that China in the Republican era of China expanded its consumer culture into some sectors like films, novels, magazines and fashion in the 1920s and 1930s. However, more than any other things, this chapter considers from the historical perspective "the golden age" of comics including comic magazine in the 1930s and a history of comic magazines that gained popularity with conventional and common story. Chapter Three explains that social satire cartoons were in vogue since the May Fourth Movement and anti-imperialistic and semi-feudalistic stories in the 1920s were realized in life. It also says that comics that describes the negative sides of its society were popular. Ye QianYu, a cartoonist, portrayed many facets of Shanghai through : the daily life of the middle and lower classes, bureaucratic corruption and sympathy for the working class. drawn by Zhang LePing describes the unfair social system between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat and the gap between the rich and poor through the main character, the powerless and poor orphan. and lampooned the reality of its time in an objective, witty and humorous way in terms of ethics and economy respectively. The researcher chooses to study and which are very familiar to us, because good cartoons, animations and movies stimulate the feelings about our surroundings.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.7-48
• /
• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• Sijohaknonchong
• /
• v.23
• /
• pp.213-239
• /
• 2005

Si is a genre which has been steadily loved by Korean, Particularly, 1920's through 1930's, the Revival Movement of Sijo is made by the school of Literary for People, including Choi Namseon, Lee Byeonggi and Lee Eunsang. And Kwon Goohyeon, a member of KAPF, and Han Yongwoon, not belonging to any literary group were interested in Sijo. Kwon Goohyeon, both a member of KAPF and an anarchist has published A Present of Black Room(1927), which is one of the two published in 1920's-1920's saw only two volumes of Sijo works be published: Choi Namseon's 108 Agony(1926) and Kwon's. However, Kwon Goohyeon's work has not been illuminated. compared with Choi Namseon's and the Revival Movement Sijo by the school of Literary for People. It is because Korean literary world has been under the anti-communism ideology since the Liberation of Korea. However, it caused to explore proletarianism Sijo (Joh woon) and proletarianism poetry (Park Yeonghee) that Kwon is a memeber of KAPF and an anarchist. Han Yongwoon, not belonging to any literary group, was very famous as the poet of My Belolved One's Silence(1926), not as a Sijo poet. It means that he s not been illuminated as a Sijo poet. However, his Sijo is enough to contain his various features such as a man of Independence Movement, a Buddhist monk, a lyrical poet and so on. His first Sijo is For Planting Mookoonghwa-Poetry Written in Prison(1922), which has been published four years prior to My Beloved One's. And his affection on Sijo is inferred from the fact that he has constantly published Sijo more than free verse. The aim this thesis is to find out a position of Sijo 1920's through 1930's from a study on Kwon Goohyeon's and Han Yongwoon's Sijo. Sijo, Korean traditional literary genre, was written by most of the poets including not only the school of Literary for People but Kwon Goohyeon and Han Yongwoon 1920's through 1930's. As a result, the writing of Sijo was not a partial movement by the anti-KAPF group, but by a paradigm in 1920's through 1930's.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.28
• /
• pp.153-179
• /
• 2011

Korea has been a victim of State supporting terrorism by North Korea even before international society realize the terrorism threats because of 9.11 in US. However, state supporting terrorism against South Korea by North Korea went along with East/West Cold War System by US and the Soviet Union. It is because socialism that Kim Il-sung who established a separate government in North Korea with the political, economic, social and military support of the Soviet Union selected as his political ideology justifies terrorism as the tool to complete the proletariat revolution. North Korea's state supporting terrorism is being operated systematically and efficiently by military of North Korea. It gives big worries to international society not only by performing terrorism against Korea but also by dispatching terrorists and exporting terrorism strategies to the third world countries. In this situation, terrorism against Korea has met a new transition point at 9${\cdot}$11 in US. As South Korea is confronting North Korea and the war has not ended but suspended, the alliance between US and Korea is more important than anything else. Because of this Korea decided to support the anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq of US and other western countries and send military force there. The preface of the anti-terrorism war has begun as such. On October 7, 2001, US and UK started to attack Afghanistan and Taleban government in Afghanistan was dethroned on December 7, 2001. US and western countries started a war against Iraq on March 20, 2003. On April 9, 2003 Baghdad, the capital of Iraq fell, and Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja government was expelled. During the process, the terrorism threat against South Korea has expanded to Arab terrorists and terrorism organizations as well as North Korea. Consequently, although Korean government, scholars and working level public servants made discussions and tried to seek countermeasures, the damages are extending. Accordingly, terrorism against Korean companies in overseas after 9${\cdot}$11 were analyzed focusing on Nation, Region, Victimology, and Weapons used for the attacks. Especially, the trend of terrorism against the Korean companies in overseas was discussed by classifying them chronologically such as initiation and termination of anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, and from the execution of Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja to December 2010. Through this, possible terrorism incidents after the execution of Osama bin Laden, the leader of Al-Qaeda, on May 2, 2011 were projected and proposals were made for the countermeasures.