• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.849-862
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• 2009

The goal of this study is to present essential methods of minimalizing Korean populism in our society through the investigation of relations between populism and mathematical education which people don't easily recognize. We made a thorough analysis on the populism-generating elements and then presented mathematical methods which could convert micro-way of thinking into macro-one. We believe that an explicit investigation of the relations between Korean populism and mathematical education and the ensuing appropriate role-setting of mathematical education would help secure an essential solution for minimalizing populism in our society.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Communications of Mathematical Education
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• v.19 no.1 s.21
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• pp.311-312
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• 2005

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.7
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• pp.592-599
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• 2017

The possibility of establishing the committee was increased because of the pledge of the President Moon Jaein for the national education committee. Thus, the purpose of this study was to discuss about its necessity and the meaning of legislation. The study method was to analyze existing studies (concept establishment, overseas cases, and legal research), media materials, and internet materials. It also suggested positive and negative functions in establishing the national education committee. Its positive functions are; first, stability of policy, second, political neutrality, third, seeking the nature of education, and fourth, improvement of possibility. Negative functions are; first, establishing the committee could be poison, second, argument in position and role, third, issue of agreement, and fourth, populism policy oriented.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.819-836
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• 2016

The development paradigm based on modernization theory and economic growth since the WWII reached an impasse in the 1980s. As an alternative, the new perspective on development as a whole social development beyond economic growth has emerged, and culture as an important method for as well as a approach to development has been emphasized. Post-development theories destruct the European development concept and suggest alternative developments emphasizing culture restoration, endogenous growth, diversity, and neopopulist developments movement emphasize community, gender, ownership, and participation. International Organizations such as UNESCO have also examined and developed the relations between culture and development. Although different from that of the past development paradigm, acknowledging other cultures, however, this elaborated concept of culture has some limitations and need to be reconceptualized through applying the geographical concept of 'relational place.' The concept of relational place can help recognize internal diversity within culture and community and link them to a broader economic and political contexts.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.83-114
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• 2019

Now Venezuela is the most attentional country in Latin America not only in our country but also all world. Unfortunately, the current crisis is a danger that threatening the venezuelan people's right to live, so most of the news is negative. Some analysts in Korea insist that everything is the result of invasion by US imperialism, others say it is a state of default due to excessive populism. The others also described as a power game of the powers of the world by the new Cold War. But most essential thing is that Sovereign of Venezuela, Venezuelan people are marginalized in this process. Venezuela's crisis seems to have been both a combination of internal and external factors, but internal factors been a main cause. The internal factors are the dictatorship and corruption of crony capitalism of nepotism which are considered historical ailments in Latin America. Chávez criticized the oligarchy, but paradoxically, the Chávezian or current ruling forces became another oligarchy. Unfortunately, Western powers such as the United States and the EU and Venezuela's current ruling powers are at an extreme confrontation, so can be seen using cliff-edge tactics. The best solution is the free and peaceful reelection of the president. After the patriarchal winter, which spring will come the Venezuelan people must decide.