• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.22
• /
• pp.115-155
• /
• 2009

As Korea was merged into Japan, the official documents during Kabo Reform and The Great Han Empire time were handed over to the Government-General of Chosun and reclassified from section based to ministry based. However they had been reclassified before many times. The footprints of reclassification can be found in the classification stamps and warehouse number stamps which remained on the cover of official documents from Kabo Reform to The Great Han Empire. They classified the documents by Section in the classification system of Ministry-Department-Section, stamped and numbered them. It is consistent with the official document classification system in The Great Han Empire, which shows the section based classification was maintained. Although they stamped by Section and numbered the documents, there were differences in sub classification system by Section. In the documents of Land Tax Section, many institutions can be found. The documents of the same year can be found in different group and documents of similar characteristics are classified in the same group. Customs Section and Other Tax Section seemed to number their documents according to the year of documents. However the year and the order of 'i-ro-ha(イロハ) song' does not match. From Kabo Reform to The Great Han Empire the documents were grouped by Section. However they did not have classification rules for the sub units of Section. Therefore, it is not clear if the document grouping of classification stamps can be understood as the original order of official document classification system of The Great Han Empire. However, given the grouping method reflects the document classification system, the sub section classification system of the Great Han Empire can be inferred through the grouping method. In this inference, it is understood that the classification system was divided into two such as 'Section - Counterpart Institution' and 'Section - Document Issuance Year'. The Government-General of Chosun took over the official documents of The Great Han Empire, stored them in the warehouse and marked them with Warehouse Number Stamps. Warehouse Number Stamp contained the Institution that grouped those documents and the documents were stored by warehouse. Although most of the documents on the shelves in each warehouse were arranged by classification stamp number, some of them were mixed and the order of shelves and that of documents did not match. Although they arranged the documents on the shelves and gave the symbols in the order of 'i-ro-ha(イロハ) song', these symbols were not given by the order of number. During the storage of the documents by the Government-General of Chosun, the classification system according to the classification stamps was affected. One characteristic that can be found in warehouse number stamps is that the preservation period on each document group lost the meaning. The preservation period id decided according to the historical and administrative value. However, the warehouse number stamps did not distinguish the documents according to the preservation period and put the documents with different preservation period on one shelf. As Japan merged Korea, The Great Han Empire did not consider the official documents of the Great Han Empire as administrative documents that should be disposed some time later. It considered them as materials to review the old which is necessary for the colonial governance. As the meaning of the documents has been changed from general administrative documents to the materials that they would need to govern the colony, they dealt with all the official documents of The Great Han Empire as the same object regardless of preservation period. The Government-General of Chosun destroyed the classification system of the Great Han Empire which was based on Section and the functions in the Section by reclassifying them according to Ministry when they reclassified the official documents during Kobo Reform and the Great Han Empire in order to utilize them to govern the colony.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.22
• /
• pp.157-199
• /
• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.45-86
• /
• 2020

In this article, the "modernization of the tradition" constructed on the cultural politics and the way in which it appropriated in the korean theatre in the 1970s were analyzed. It is trying to reveal its implications. It is also a work to critically review the aspects of self-censorship in the korean theatre in the 70s. To that end, we looked at the theatre company Minye Theatre, which preoccupied the traditional discussions in the 1970s by creating national dramas. Until now, the evaluation of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the 1970s has focused on the achievement on the directing of Heo Gyu, who promoted the succession and transformation of tradition. However, the traditional ideology constructed in the state-led cultural politics in the 70s and the way in which it was operated cannot be evaluated only in terms of artistic achievement. The ideology of tradition is selected according to the selective criteria of the subject to appropriate tradition. What's important is that certain objects are excluded, discarded, re-elected, re-interpreted and re-recognized in the selection process of selected traditional ideology. This is the situation in the '70s, when tradition was constantly re-recognized amid differences between the decadent and the disorder that were then designated as non-cultural, and led to a new way of appropriate. The nation-led traditional discussion of the '70s legalized the tradition with stable values, one of the its way was the national literary and artistic support. Under the banner of modernization of tradition, theatre company Minye preoccupied the discussions on the tradition and presented folk drama as a new theatre. As an alternative to the crisis of korean theatre at the time, the Minye chose the method of inheriting and transforming tradition. It is noteworthy that Heo Gyu, the representative director of the theatre company Minye, recognized the succession and transformation of traditional performance as both a calling and an experiment. For Heo Gyu, tradition was accepted as an irresistible stable value and an unquestionable calling, and as a result, his performance, filled with excessive traditional practices, became overambitious, especially when it failed to reflect the present-here reality, the repeated use of traditional expression tools resulted in skilled craftsmanship, not artistic creation. The traditional ideology of the 70s unfolds in a new aspect of appropriation in the 80s. In 1986, Son Jin-Cheok, Kim Seong-nyeo, and Yoon Mun-sik, who were key members of the theatre company Minye Theatre, left the theatre to create the theatre company Michu, and secured popularity through Madangnori(popular folk yard theatre). Son Jin-Cheok's Madangnori is overbearing through satire and humor. It gained popularity by criticizing and mocking state power. On the other hand, not only the form of traditional performance, but also the university-centered Madanggeuk movement, which appropriated on the spirit of resistance from the people to its traditional values, has rapidly grown. In the field of traditional discussions of the 70s, Madanggeuk was self-born through appropriation in which the spirit of resistance of the people is used as a traditional value. Madanggeuk as well as Michu that achieved the popularization of Madangnori cannot be discussed solely by the artistic achievement of the modernization of tradition. Critics of korean theatre in response to state-led traditional discussions in the 70s was focused only on the qualitative achievement of performing arts based on artistry. I am very sorry for that. As a result, the popular resistance of the Madanggeuk and the Madangnori were established in the 'difference' with the traditions of the theatre company Minye Theatre. Theatre company Minye Theatre was an opportunity for the modernization of tradition, but the fact that it did not continuously produce significant differences. This is the meaning and limitation of the "tradition" of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the history of korean theatre in the 1970s.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.100
• /
• pp.50-80
• /
• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
• /
• v.20 no.1
• /
• pp.32-36
• /
• 2016

Purpose In nuclear medicine examination, $^{131}I$ is widely used in nuclear medicine examination such as diagnosis, treatment, and others of thyroid cancer and other diseases. $^{131}I$ conducts examination and treatment through emission of ${\gamma}$ ray and ${\beta}^-$ ray. Since $^{131}I$ (364 keV) contains more energy compared to $^{99m}Tc$ (140 keV) although it displays high integrated rate and enables quick discharge through kidney, the objective of this study lies in comparing the difference in exposure dose of $^{131}I$ before and after wearing apron when handling $^{131}I$ with focus on 3 elements of external exposure protection that are distance, time, and shield in order to reduce the exposure to technicians in comparison with $^{99m}Tc$ during the handling and administration process. When wearing apron (in general, Pb 0.5 mm), $^{99m}Tc$ presents shield of over 90% but shielding effect of $^{131}I$ is relatively low as it is of high energy and there may be even more exposure due to influence of scattered ray (secondary) and bremsstrahlung in case of high dose. However, there is no special report or guideline for low dose (74 MBq) high energy thus quantitative analysis on exposure dose of technicians will be conducted based on apron wearing during the handling of $^{131}I$. Materials and Methods With patients who visited Department of Nuclear Medicine of our hospital for low dose $^{131}I$ administration for thyroid cancer and diagnosis for 7 months from Jun 2014 to Dec 2014 as its subject, total 6 pieces of TLD was attached to interior and exterior of apron placed on thyroid, chest, and testicle from preparation to administration. Then, radiation exposure dose from $^{131}I$ examination to administration was measured. Total procedure time was set as within 5 min per person including 3 min of explanation, 1 min of distribution, and 1 min of administration. In regards to TLD location selection, chest at which exposure dose is generally measured and thyroid and testicle with high sensitivity were selected. For preparation, 74 MBq of $^{131}I$ shall be distributed with the use of $2m{\ell}$ syringe and then it shall be distributed after making it into dose of $2m{\ell}$ though dilution with normal saline. When distributing $^{131}I$ and administering it to the patient, $100m{\ell}$ of water shall be put into a cup, distributed $^{131}I$ shall be diluted, and then oral administration to patients shall be conducted with the distance of 1m from the patient. The process of withdrawing $2m{\ell}$ syringe and cup used for oral administration was conducted while wearing apron and TLD. Apron and TLD were stored at storage room without influence of radiation exposure and the exposure dose was measured with request to Seoul Radiology Services. Results With the result of monthly accumulated exposure dose of TLD worn inside and outside of apron placed on thyroid, chest, and testicle during low dose $^{131}I$ examination during the research period divided by number of people, statistics processing was conducted with Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test using SPSS Version. 12.0K. As a result, it was revealed that there was no significant difference since all of thyroid (p = 0.345), chest (p = 0.686), and testicle (p = 0.715) were presented to be p > 0.05. Also, when converting the change in total exposure dose during research period into percentage, it was revealed to be -23.5%, -8.3%, and 19.0% for thyroid, chest, and testicle respectively. Conclusion As a result of conducting Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test, it was revealed that there is no statistically significant difference (p > 0.05). Also, in case of calculating shielding rate with accumulate exposure dose during 7 months, it was revealed that there is irregular change in exposure dose for inside and outside of apron. Although the degree of change seems to be high when it is expressed in percentage, it cannot be considered a big change since the unit of accumulated exposure dose is in decimal points. Therefore, regardless of wearing apron during high energy low dose $^{131}I$ administration, placing certain distance and terminating the administration as soon as possible would be of great assistance in reducing the exposure dose. Although this study restricted $^{131}I$ administration time to be within 5 min per person and distance for oral administration to be 1m, there was a shortcoming to acquire accurate result as there was insufficient number of N for statistics and it could be processed only through non-parametric method. Also, exposure dose per person during lose dose $^{131}I$ administration was measured with accumulated exposure dose using TLD rather than through direct-reading exposure dose thus more accurate result could be acquired when measurement is conducted using electronic dosimeter and pocket dosimeter.

• Proceedings of the KOR-BRONCHOESO Conference
• /
• 1972.03a
• /
• pp.6-7
• /
• 1972

The air pollutants can be classified into the irritant gas and the asphixation gas, and the irritant gas is closely related to the otorhinolaryngological diseases. The common irritant gases are nitrogen oxides, sulfur oxides, hydrogen carbon compounds, and the potent and irritating PAN (peroxy acyl nitrate) which is secondarily liberated from photosynthesis. Those gases adhers to the mucous membrane to result in ulceration and secondary infection due to their potent oxidizing power. 1. Sulfur dioxide gas Sulfur dioxide gas has the typical characteristics of the air pollutants. Because of its high solubility it gets easily absorbed in the respiratory tract, when the symptoms and signs by irritation become manifested initially and later the resistance in the respiratory tract brings central about pulmonary edema and respiratory paralysis of origin. Chronic exposure to the gas leads to rhinitis, pharyngitis, laryngitis, and olfactory or gustatory disturbances. 2. Carbon monoxide Toxicity of carbon monoxide is due to its deprivation of the oxygen carrying capacity of the hemoglobin. The degree of the carbon monoxide intoxication varies according to its concentration and the duration of inhalation. It starts with headache, vertigo, nausea, vomiting and tinnitus, which can progress to respiratory difficulty, muscular laxity, syncope, and coma leading to death. 3. Nitrogen dioxide Nitrogen dioxide causes respiratory disturbances by formation of methemoglobin. In acute poisoning, it can cause pulmonary congestion, pulmonary edema, bronchitis, and pneumonia due to its strong irritation on the eyes and the nose. In chronic poisoning, it causes chronic pulmonary fibrosis and pulmonary edema. 4. Ozone It has offending irritating odor, and causes dryness of na sopharyngolaryngeal mucosa, headache and depressed pulmonary function which may eventually lead to pulmonary congestion or edema. 5. Smog The most outstanding incident of the smog occurred in London from December 5 through 8, 1952, because of which the mortality of the respiratory diseases increased fourfold. The smog was thought to be due to the smoke produced by incomplete combustion and its byproduct the sulfur oxides, and the dust was thought to play the secondary role. In new sense, hazardous is the photochemical smog which is produced by combination of light energy and the hydrocarbons and oxidant in the air. The Yonsei University Institute for Environmental :pollution Research launched a project to determine the relationship between the pollution and the medical, ophthalmological and rhinopharyngological disorders. The students (469) of the "S" Technical School in the most heavily polluted area in Pusan (Uham Dong district) were compared with those (345) of "K" High School in the less polluted area. The investigated group had those with subjective symptoms twice as much as the control group, 22.6% (106) in investigated group and 11.3% (39) in the control group. Among those symptomatic students of the investigated group. There were 29 with respiratory symptoms (29%), 22 with eye symptoms (21%), 50 with stuffy nose and rhinorrhea (47%), and 5 with sore thorat (5%), which revealed that more than half the students (52%) had subjective symptoms of the rhinopharyngological aspects. Physical examination revealed that the investigated group had more number of students with signs than those of the control group by 10%, 180 (38.4%) versus 99 (28.8%). Among the preceding 180 students of the investigated group, there were 8 with eye diseases (44%), 1 with respiratory disease (0.6%), 97 with rhinitis (54%), and 74 with pharyngotonsillitis (41%) which means that 95% of them had rharygoical diseases. The preceding data revealed that the otolaryngological diseases are conspicuously outnumbered in the heavily polluted area, and that there must be very close relationship between the air pollution and the otolaryngological diseases, and the anti-pollution measure is urgently needed.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• v.39 no.6
• /
• pp.453-473
• /
• 1992

Background: National survey was performed to estimate the incidence of sarcoidosis in Korea. The clinical data of confirmed cases were analysed for the practice of primary care physicians and pulmonary specialists. Methods: The period of study was from January 1991 to December 1992. Data were retrospectively collected by correspondence with physicians in departments of internal medicine, dermatology, ophthalmology and neurology of the hospitals having more than 100 beds using returning postcards. In confirmed and suspicious cases of sardoidosis, case record chart for clinical and laboratory findings were obtained in detail. Results: 1) Postcards were sent to 523 departments in 213 hospitals. Internal medicine composed 41%, dermatology 20%, ophthalmology 20% and neurology 19%. 2) Postcards were returned from 241 departments (replying rates was 48%). 3) There were 113 confirmed cases from 50 departments and 10 cases. The cases were composed from internal medicine (81%), dermatology (13%), ophthalmology (3%) and neurology (3%). 78 confirmed cases were analysed, which were composed from department of internal medicine (92%), dermatology (5%), and neurology (3%). 4) The time span for analysed cases was 1980 to 1992. one case was analysed in 1980 and the number gradually increased to 18 cases in 1991. 5) The majority of patients (84.4%) were in the age group of 20 to 49 years. 6) The ratio of male to female was 1 : 1.5. 7) The most common chief complains were respiratory symptoms, dermatologic symptoms, generalized discomforts, visual changes, arthralgia, abdominal pains, and swallowing difficulties in order. 16% of the patients were asymptomatic. 8) Mean duration between symptom onset and diagnosis was 2 months. 9) The most common symptoms were respiratory, general, dermatologic, ophthalmologic, neurologic and cardiac origin in order. 10) Hemoglobin, hematocrits and platelet were in normal range. 58% of the patients had lymphopenia measuring less than 30% of white cell count. The ratio of CD4 to CD8 lymphocytes was $1.73{\pm}1.16$ with range of 0.43 to 4.62. ESR was elevated in 43% of the cases. 11) Blood chemistry was normal in most cases. Serum angiotensin converting enzyme (S-ACE) was $66.8{\pm}58.6\;U/L$ with the range of 8.79 to 265 U /L. Proteinuria of more than 150 mg was found in 42. 9% of the patients. 12) Serum IgG was elevated in 43.5%, IgA in 45.5%, IgM in 59.1% and IgE in 46.7%. The levels of complement C3 and C4 were in the normal range. Anti-nuclear antibody was detected in 11% of the cases. Kweim test was performed in 3 cases, and in all cases the result was positive. 13) FVC was decreased in 17.3%, FEV1 in 11.5%, FEV1/FVC in 10%, TLC in 15.2%, and DLco in 64.7%. 14) PaO2 was decreased below 90 mmHg in 48.6% and PaCO2 was increased above 45 mmHg in 5.7%. 15) The percentage of macrophages in BAL fluid was $51.4{\pm}19.2%$, lymphocytes $44.4{\pm}21.1%$, and the ratio of CD4 to CD8 lymphocytes was $3.41{\pm}2.07$. 16) There was no difference in laboratory findings between male and female. 17) Hilar enlargement on chest PA was present in 87.9% (bilaterally in 78.8% and unilaterally in 9.1%). 18) According to Siltzbach's classification, stage 0 was 5%, stage 158.3%, stage 228.3%, and stage 38.3%. 19) Hilart enlargement on chest CT was present in 92.6% (bilaterally 76.4% and unilaterally in 16.2%). 20) HRCT was done in 16 cases. The most common findings were nodules, interlobular thickening, focal patchy infiltrations in order. Two cases was normal finding. 21) Other radiologic examinations showed bone change in one case and splenomegaly in two cases. 22) Gallium scan was done in 12 cases. Radioactivity was increased in hilar and mediastinal lymph nodes in 8 cases and in parenchyme in 2 cases. 23) The pathologic diagnosis was commonly performed by transbrochial lung biopsy (TBLB, 47.3%), skin and mediastinal lymph nodes biopsy (34.5%), peripheral lymph nodes biopsy (23.6%), open lung biopsy (18.2%) and bronchial biopsy in order. 24) The most common findings in pathology were non·caseating granuloma (100%), multi-nucleated giant cell (47.3%), hyalinized acellular scar (34.5%), reticulin fibrin network (20%), inclusion body (10.9%), necrosis (9.1%), and lymphangitic distribution of granuloma (1.8%) in order. Conclusion: Clinical, laboratory, radiologic and pathologic findings were summarized. This collected data will assist in finding a test for detection and staging of sarcoidosis in Korea in near future.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.555-568
• /
• 1995

Background: It is most physiologic to measure the diffusing capacity of the lung by using oxygen, but it is so difficult to measure partial pressure of oxygen in the capillary blood of the lung that in clinical practice it is measured by using carbon monoxide, and single-breath diffusing capacity method is used most widely. However, since the process of withholding the breath for 10 seconds after inspiration to the total lung capacity is very hard to practice for patients who suffer from cough, dyspnea, etc, the intra-breath lung diffusing capacity method which requires a single exhalation of low-flow rate without such process was devised. In this study, we want to know whether or not there is any significant difference in the diffusing capacity of the lung measured by the single-breath and intra-breath methods, and if any, which factors have any influence. Methods: We chose randomly 73 persons without regarding specific disease, and after conducting 3 times the flow-volume curve test, we selected forced vital capacity(FVC), percent of predicted forced vital capacity, forced expiratory volume within 1 second($FEV_1$), percent of forced expiratory volume within 1 second, the ratio of forced expiratory volume within 1 second against forced vital capacity($FEV_1$/FVC) in test which the sum of FVC and $FEV_1$ is biggest. We measured the diffusing capacity of the lung 3 times in each of the single-breath and intra-breath methods at intervals of 5 minutes, and we evaluated which factors have any influence on the difference of the diffusing capacity of the lung between two methods[the mean values(ml/min/mmHg) of difference between two diffusing capacity measured by two methods] by means of the linear regression method, and obtained the following results: Results: 1) Intra-test reproducibility in the single-breath and intra-breath methods was excellent. 2) There was in general a good correlation between the diffusing capacity of the lung measured by a single-breath method and that measured by the intra-breath method, but there was a significant difference between values measured by both methods($1.01{\pm}0.35ml/min/mmHg$, p<0.01) 3) The difference between the diffusing capacity of the lung measured by both methods was not correlated to FVC, but was correlated to $FEV_1$, percent of $FEV_1$, $FEV_1$/FVC and the gradient of methane concentration which is an indicator of distribution of ventilation, and it was found as a result of the multiple regression test, that the effect of $FEV_1$/FVC was most strong(r=-0.4725, p<0.01) 4) In a graphic view of the difference of diffusing capacity measured by single-breath and intra-breath method and $FEV_1$/FVC, it was found that the former was divided into two groups in section where $FEV_1$/FVC is 50~60%, and that there was no significant difference between two methods in the section where $FEV_1$/FVC is equal or more than 60% ($0.05{\pm}0.24ml/min/mmHg$, p>0.1), but there was significant difference in the section, less than 60%($-4.5{\pm}0.34ml/min/mmHg$, p<0.01). 5. The diffusing capacity of the lung measured by the single-breath and intra-breath method was the same in value($24.3{\pm}0.68ml/min/mmHg$) within the normal range(2%/L) of the methane gas gradient, and there was no difference depending on the measuring method, but if the methane concentration gradients exceed 2%/L, the diffusing capacity of the lung measured by single-breath method became $15.0{\pm}0.44ml/min/mmHg$, and that measured by intra-breath method, $11.9{\pm}0.51ml/min/mmHg$, and there was a significant difference between them(p<0.01). Conclusion: Therefore, in case where $FEV_1$/FVC was less than 60%, the diffusing capacity of the lung measured by intra-breath method represented significantly lower value than that by single-breath method, and it was presumed to be caused largely by a defect of ventilation-distribution, but the possibility could not be excluded that the diffusing capacity of the lung might be overestimated in the single-breath method, or the actual reduction of the diffusing capacity of the lung appeared more sensitively in the intra-breath method.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• v.42 no.6
• /
• pp.900-912
• /
• 1995

Background: Although graded exercise stress tests are widely used for the evaluation of cardiorespiratory performance, normal standards on respiratory gas exchange and ventilatory functions at maximal exercise in Koreans have not been well established. The purpose of this study is to provide reference values on these by sex and age, along with derivation of some of their prediction equations. Method: Symptom-limited maximal exercise test was carried out by Bruce protocol in 1,000 healthy adults consisting of 603 males and 397 females, aged 20~66 years. Among them VC, $FEV_1$ and MVV were also determined in 885 cases. All the subjects were members of a health center, excluding athletes. During the exercise, subjects were allowed to hold on to front hand rail of the treadmill for safety purpose. Results: The $VO_2\;max/m^2$, $VCO_2\;max/m^2$ and $V_E\;max/m^2$ were greater in males than in females and decreased with age. The RR max in men and women was similar but decreased slightly with age. The $V_T$ max was markedly greater in men but showed no significant changes with age in either gender. The mean of $V_T$ max/VC, $V_E$ max/MVV and BR revealed that there were considerable ventilatory reserves at maximal exercise even in older females. The regression equations of the cardinal parameters obtained using exercise time(ET, min), age(A, yr), height(Ht, cm), weight(W, kg), sex(S, 0=male; 1=female), VC(L), $FEV_1$(L) and $V_E$ max(L) as variables are as follows: $VO_2\;max/m^2$(L/min)=1.449+0.073 ET-0.007A+0.010W-0.006Ht-0.209S, $VCO_2\;max/m^2$(L/min)=1.672+0.063ET-0.008A+0.010W-0.005Ht-0.319S, VE max/$m^2$(L/min)=58.161+1.503ET-0.315A-9.871S or VE max/$m^2$(L/min)=47.873+6.548 $FEV_1$-5.715 S, and VT max(L)=1.497+0.223VC-0.493S. Conclusion: Respiratory gas exchange and ventilatory variables at maximal exercise were studied in 1,000 non-athletes by Bruce protocol. During exercise, the subjects were allowed to hold on to hand rail of the treadmill for safety purpose. We feel that our results would provide ideal target values for patients and healthy individuals to be achieved, since our study subjects were members of a health center whose physical fitness levels were presumably higher than ordinary population.