• Title/Summary/Keyword: 평화 외교

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Political Change in Thailand and the Philippines: Democratic Recession? Returning to Authoritarianism? (태국과 필리핀의 정치변동: 민주화의 후퇴? 재권위주의화?)

  • SEO, KyoungKyo
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.77-114
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

The Return of Great Power Competition to the Arctic (북극해 일대에서 본격화되기 시작한 강대국 경쟁)

  • Hong, Kyu-dok;Song, Seongjong;Kwon, Tae-hwan;JUNG, Jaeho
    • Maritime Security
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.151-184
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    • 2021
  • Global warming due to climate change is one of the biggest challenges in the 21st century. Global warming is not only a disaster that threatens the global ecosystem but also an opportunity to reduce logistics costs and develop mineral resources by commercializing Arctic routes. The Arctic paradox, in which ecological and environmental threats and new economic opportunities coexist, is expected to have a profound impact on the global environment. As the glaciers disappear, routes through the Arctic Ocean without passing through the Suez and Panama Canals emerged as the 'third route.' This can reduce the distance of existing routes by 30%. Global warming has also brought about changes in the geopolitical paradigm. As Arctic ice begins to melt, the Arctic is no longer a 'constant' but is emerging as the largest geopolitical 'variable' in the 21st century. Accordingly, the Arctic, which was recognized as a 'space of peace and cooperation' in the post-Cold War era, is now facing a new strategic environment in which military and security aspects are emphasized. After the Cold War, the Arctic used to be a place for cooperation centered on environmental protection, but it is once again changing into a stage of competition and confrontation between superpowers, heralding 'Cold War 2.0.' The purpose of this study is to evaluate the strategic value of the Arctic Ocean from geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives and derive strategic implications by analyzing the dynamics of the New Cold War taking place in the Arctic region.

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A Study of the Joseon-Japanese Diplomatic Restoration and the Process of making the Relation System after Imjin War (17세기초 조·일 국교재개와 통교체제 재편 과정에 대한 검토 - 연속성과 단절성의 문제를 중심으로 -)

  • 김태훈
    • 한국학연구
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    • no.50
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    • pp.157-186
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    • 2018
  • The study examines the process of resuming diplomatic relations and establishing a diplomatic system in the early 17th century. It focused on the discontinuity and continuity of the policy toward Japan in the end of King Seonjo's period and in the early days of Gwanghaegun. This is a studies on serial process of the restoration of peace after the Japanese Invasion of Korea. The process began with the Peace Negotiation, and led to the Resuming Diplastic Relations by dispatching Joseon Emissions to Japan in 1607. The Gwang'hae-gun regime agreed with Japan to sign on the Gi'yu-year agreement in 1609 and by doing so formed a platform for future Joseon-Japan diplomatic talks arranged through the Dae'ma-do/對馬島 island. Then, the Joseon government reinforced the principle of 'banning' Japanese envoys from approaching the Joseon capital, limiting the activities of the Japanese emissaries in Joseon territory to the Wae'gwan facility of the Dong'rae area. These actions of the Joseon government outlined the format for future diplomatic contacts with the Japanese in the dynasty's latter half period. At the time, when the Joseon people was facing Japanese presence in the south part of the Korean peninsula and the 'Jurchen' barbarians' in the north, Gwang'hae-gun considered 'maintaining relationships' with Japan and 'protecting the country' from the Jurchen threat as two top-level priorities for the Joseon defense. In order to do that, he had to establish Japan, which invaded Joseon for seven years in the 1590s, as a diplomatic partner to exchange talks with. He had to mitigate the anti-Japanese sentiment of the country's population, and intermediate clashing opinions in the policy discussion process. In the meantime, in order to deal with problems surfacing everywhere, Gwang'hae-gun maintained a stance of prioritizing the pursuit of public interest and amicable relationships, and not an ideological and principle-based one. It was quite a departure from the government's policy of the late 17th century.

Proposal of Establishing a New International Space Agency for Mining the Natural Resources in the Moon, Mars and Other Celestial Bodies

  • Kim, Doo-Hwan
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.313-374
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    • 2020
  • The idea of creating a new International Space Agency (ISA) is only my academic and practical opinion. It is necessary for us to establish ISA as an international organization for the efficient and rapid exploitation of natural resources in the moon, Mars and other celestial bodies. The establishment of ISA as a new international regime is based on the Article 11, 5 and Article 18 of the 1979 Moon Agreement. In order to establish as a preliminary procedure, it needs to make a "Draft for the Convention on the Establishment of an International Space Agency" among the space-faring countries. In this paper, I was examined the domestic space legislation in the United States, Luxembourg, European Space Agency, China, Japan, the Republic of Korea as well as space exploration and planning of the moons, Mars, Asteroids, Venus, Jupiter, Saturn, Titan and Other Celestial Bodies. The creation of an ISA would lead to a strengthening of the cooperation needed essentially by the developed countries towards joint and cooperative undertakings in space and would act as a catalyst for the space exploration and exploitation of the moon, Mars and other celestial bodies. It will be managed effectively and centrally the exploitation and exploitation of space the natural resources, technology, manpower and finances as an independent organization in order to get the benefit of the space developed countries by ISA. It is desirable and necessary for us to establish ISA in order to promote cooperation in space policy, law, science technology and industry among the space developed countries in the near future. The establishment of the ISA will be promoted the international cooperation among the space-faring countries in exploration and exploitations of the natural resources in the moon and other celestial bodies. I would propose the "Draft for the Convention for the Establishment of an International Space Agency." in refering the "Convention for the Establishment of a European Space Agency." This "Draft for the Convention Convention for the Establishment of an ISA" must pass the abovementioned "Draft for the Convention" by two-third majority of Diplomatic Conference in the UNCOPUOS. Finally, a very important point is need that a political drive at the highest level and a solemn statement by heads of state of the space devloped countries including the United Nations for the space exploitation of the medium and long term. It should be noted that this political drive will be necessary not only to set up the organization, but also during a subsequent period. It is desirable and necessary for us to establish the ISA in order to develop the space industry, to strengthen friendly relations and to promote research cooperation among the space-faring countries based on the new ideology and creative ideas. If the heads of the superpowers including the United Nations will be agreed to establish ISA at a summit conference, 1 am sure that it is possible to establish an ISA in the near future.

A Study on Understanding of Middle-East Terrorism : Focusing on Islamic Fundamentalism (이슬람 원리주의를 통해 본 중동지역테러리즘의 이해)

  • Park, Gi-Beom;Kang, Min-Wan;Jun, Yong-Tae
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.12
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    • pp.149-175
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    • 2006
  • The purpose of this study is to understand and analyze the character of Islamic fundamentalism and Middle-Ease Terrorism. The aim of Islamic fundamentalism is reconstruction of Ummah(Muslim Unity), thee early society of Muhammad's age. Islamic movement insist to restore the spirit of Islam and purify the society of Islam from the United State and Western world. Now, Islamic fundamentalism movement as a new ideology, appeals to muslim in the world. The concept of modern national state from the Western countries do not accord with the traditional Islamic principles of reign and a spirit of nationalism. On the other hand, Islamic movement have no legitimacy in the system of modern state which govern the Arab world, regardless of the form of government. For this reasons, Islamic fundamentalist have an insecure position and their political activities. It is yet far from their purpose, to reconstruct the muslim unity, to realize the Islamic political principle close to their practical methods. Yet Islamic fundamental movement have not overcome the system of secular state. The Middle East terrorism supported by government might be eradicated by America's anti-terrorism policy. However, it will be serious and spread all over the world that the terrorist attack against the U. S. and western countries is acted by militant warriors of Islamic fundamentalism, uniting Arab and Islamic people's emotions against America and western countries. There are some reasons that we need to focus on the Arab and Islamic fundamentalism. We need to get out of misunderstanding and discrimination about Islamic religion and culture from America's and Western' standard Which are only their new world order. The discrimination of America and western nations against muslim could make other ideologies, opposite to the world peace. There are a lot of foreign workers from Islam countries in Korea. We need to give consideration and attention to them for the our globalization and world peace. It is time to consider what to do for the nation's profit(economical, political, strategic)with right understanding. We are not safe and free from the terrorism yet.

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Efficacy of UN's Sanctions on North Korea's Nuclear and North Korea's Regime Survival Strategy (유엔의 북핵 대북제재조치의 실효성과 북한의 체제생존전략)

  • KIM, JOO-SAM
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.69-92
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    • 2018
  • North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.