• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.114-153
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• 2017

고도화 및 가시화되고 있는 북한의 '잠수함발사탄도미사일(SLBM: Submarine Launched Ballistic Missile)'위협에 대응하기 위한 효과적인 전략수단으로써 핵추진잠수함의 필요성에 대한 국민적 관심이 고조되고 있다. 핵추진잠수함의 전략적 가치에 대한 논의가 활발히 진행되고 있는 가운데, 주변국과의 갈등과 국제사회의 비핵화 규범의 미 준수 논란 등 핵추진잠수함 확보과정에서 야기될 수 있는 대·내외의 정치·외교적 파장에 대한 우려의 목소리 또한 높아지고 있다. 그러나, 핵추진잠수함의 필요성 및 확보와 관련한 지금까지의 대부분의 논의들은 한국의 '내부적 논의(Just our own scenario)'에 그치는 한계를 보이고 있다. 전략무기체계로써의 상징성과 그에 따르는 대외적 민감성을 고려 시 일방적이고 독자적인 핵추진잠수함 확보노력은 과정상의 시행착오와 불확실성을 더욱 가중시켜 정책적 실패로 귀결될 수 있는 위험성을 내포하고 있다. 특히, 한반도 평화와 아태지역의 안전보장이라는 공동의 전략적 목표를 공유하고 있는 동맹국인 미국의 공감대와 지지가 뒷받침되지 않은 독자적인 핵추진잠수함 확보노력은 큰 난항이 예상되며 자칫 서로간의 '전략적 신뢰(Strategic Trust)'를 무너뜨려 '한미동맹의 결속력(Alliance Cohesion)'을 약화시키는 요인으로 작용할 수 있다. 미국의 동의와 지지에 기반한 핵추진잠수함 확보를 위해서는 한국의 핵추진잠수함 확보가 동맹의 전략목표 및 미국의 전략적 이해관계에 미칠 수 있는 긍정적, 부정적 효과에 대한 충분한 검토와 논의가 선행되어야 한다. 한미동맹의 공동의 전략목표와 미국의 전략적 이익에 상충하는 한국의 핵추진잠수함 확보시도는 성공 가능성이 낮기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 현실화되고 있는 북한의 핵위협에 대응하고 지역안전보장에 기여할 수 있는 미국과의 연합방위력 증강차원에서의 한국의 핵추진잠수함의 전략적 효용성을 분석하였다. 더불어, 한국의 핵추진잠수함 확보과정에서 야기될 수 있는 대·내외의 기술적, 정치·외교적 사안들을 살펴본 후 한미동맹 차원에서의 정책적 해결방안을 제시하였다. 연구목적을 위해 유사한 역사적 사례연구를 통해 교훈을 도출하였으며, 미국 오바마 1기 행정부에서 미국의 아태지역 및 대북정책을 주도한 전 미국 국무부부장관 제임스 스타인버그(James Steinberg) 및 여러 미국 내 한반도 전문가들의 의견을 수렴하였다. 본 연구가 한국의 핵잠수함 확보를 위한 한미간 발전적 논의의 시발점이 되기를 기대한다.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.37-78
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• 2022

The U.S.-led international order, sustained by overwhelming national power since the end of the Cold War, is gradually being restructured from a unipolar international system to a bipolar international system or a multipolar international system, coupled with the weakening of U.S. global leadership and the rise of regional powers. Geopolitically, discussions have been constantly raised about the security instability that the reshaping of the international order will bring about, given that East Asia is a region where the national interests of the United States and regional powers sharply overlap and conflict. This study aims to critically analyze whether security discussions in Korea are based on appropriate crisis assessment and evaluation. This paper points out that the security crisis theory emerging in Korea tends to arise due to threat exaggeration and emphasizes the need for objective evaluation and conceptualization of the nature and the level of threats that the restructured international order can pose to regional security. Based on the analysis of changes in conflict patterns (frequency and intensity), occurring in East Asia during the periods divided into a bipolar system (1950-1990), a unipolar system (1991-2008), and a multipolar system (2009-current), this study shows that East Asia has not been as vulnerable to power politics as other regions. This investigation emphasizes that the complexity of Korea's diplomatic and security burden, which are aggravated by the reorganization of the international order, do not necessarily have to be interpreted as a grave security threat. This is because escalating unnecessary security issues could reduce the diplomatic strategic space of the Republic of Korea.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.71-96
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• 2017

This study speculates on responses to the nuclear threats of North Korea and mutual assistance and cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and China for the unification of the Korean Peninsula. As for the North Koreas nuclear issue and unification of the Korean Peninsula, South Korea is the subject of national division, the U.S. is a responsible country in international issues and does not have diplomatic ties with North Korea. China is a traditional socialist nation and a supporter of North Korea. As North Korea's strategic weapons including nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles are international issues, to defend against Kim Jung-Eun's unexpected acts, the three countries should actively cooperate with each other and develop countermeasures. However, with respect to the road map of the North Koreas issue, there are subtle differences between the U.S. and China in recognition of and sanctions against North Korea as a resolution of the U..N. Security Council. The U.S. has continued a deterrence policy and sanctions against North Korea based on joint threats between South Korea and the U.S. while China has showed a negative position in the process of solving the North Korean nuclear issue because of the unstable security derived from the U.S. 's intervention in the Korean peninsula. North Korea should change its diplomatic policy in a more concrete way towards world peace although it has continued trade of strategic weapons with Middle Eastern countries to maintain its political system. For example, to restart the summit talks and open multilateral security channels. Although the issue of unification of the Korean peninsula should be resolved by South and North Korea themselves, it is strange that South and North Korea depend on the logic of powerful countries for the resolution of a national problem. As for North Koreas nuclear and the Unification issues, peaceful solutions presented by South Korea seem more persuasive than the solution presented by North Korea which did not secure any international support. However, South Korea, the U.S. and China need to develop uni-directional two-tract strategies for sanctions against North Korea and talks with North Korea for peace on the Korean peninsula, and should continue to support the economic independence of North Korea.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.57-88
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• 2020

Surrounded by powerful states, Korean maritime and airspace jurisdiction is constantly exposed to intrusions by its neighbors. Korean government has been, however, exercising significant degree of moderation in response to the occasions. This is where my research starts off: why does Korean government implement only mild measures, which sometimes seem to be insufficient, to infringements on maritime and airspace jurisdiction? I found the answer from the principles and rules of international law: to promote peace and prosperity of the international community, it placed limitations on state rights and prohibited use of force. This point will be elaborated in the paper by examining the contents of restriction and the history of the relevant principles. In the second part of the paper, I explore what strategy could be employed by a state to protect its jurisdiction under present international legal regime. Interestingly, international law, which restricts state jurisdiction, at the same time provides opportunities for lesser powers to protect their state jurisdiction. In the meantime, diplomatic efforts are required. I offer examples of Norway and Philippines, who successfully upheld their arguments against powerful states via international legal regime.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.25-47
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• 2011

The paper will investigate the chances of progress in the peace process in Middle East. Robert Hazo's 1993 article mainly argued the Palestinians and Syrian problems. He saw that these two problems are one of the key issue that current Middle East problem which involves Israel. The key tenants of his argument will be dissected to assess whether this view holds true in the light of developments in the Middle East in the intervening years. The Arab-Israeli struggle remains one of the most intractable in history. In 1993 Robert Hazo concluded that 'the conflict is a terminal struggle'. This paper investigates his analysis in light of progress or lack of in the intervening period and against the contemporary strategic environment. It uses information presented in academic, government, newspaper and world wide web articles to conclude that Hazo's assessment remains valid. While the various talks since 1993 combined with the potential benefits the United States, Israel and Syria could gain from a settlement proffer hope, the issue of 'right of return, borders and Jerusalem are unlikely to be bridged in the near future.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.309-330
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• 2010

This paper examines the life-cycle and birth cohort effect on East Asian supranational identity. This paper also explores how national identity is related with supranational identity among Koreans. Using the 2008 CCGA-EAI survey, we analyze the determinants of supranational East Asian identity. The results suggest several interesting findings. Age and national identity have positive effects on East Asian identity. Among generational cohorts, the democratization cohort were less likely than other cohorts to have East Asian identity. These findings suggest several implications. First, in Korea, unlike other countries in the Western world, the older tend to have stronger regional identity than the younger do. Second, unlike the existing literature, this paper finds that strong national identity (pride) is complementary, rather than substitutive, to supranational regional identity. This warrants further systematic research on the microfoundation on the relationship between regional integration and nationalism in Northeast Asia.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.79-92
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• 2015

It is required to expand area of inter-Korean economic cooperation, being limited to non-military field, to military field and then, to positively promote arms control in order to establish foundation for peaceful reunification in Korean peninsula. Reasons why arms control has not been promoted between South and North Korea in the meantime were such original factors as follows; (1) limit of confidence building between the South and the North, (2) functional limit of arms control itself, (3) institutional structural limit between the South and the North, (4) environmental limit at home and abroad. It is necessary to get out from existing frame and to seek a new paradigm in order to overcome above factors and to realize arms control between the South and the North. First, it is required to have prior political dialog at the South-North high-level talks in order to promote arms control and to exercise 'strategic flexibility' during negotiation and promotion process. For this, 'flexible reciprocity' has to be adopted in compliance with situation and conditions. Second, it is necessary to get out from existing principle of 'confidence building in advance and arms reduction later' but to seek the 'simultaneous driving principle of confidence building and arms reduction' as an eclectic approach. Namely, based on reasonable sufficiency, it is required to promote military confidence building and limited arms reduction in parallel, which is a lower level of arms control. Third, as an advisory body of Prime Minister's Office, it is necessary to install an organization exclusively responsible for arms control and to positively handle arms control issue from the standpoint of national policy strategy. If the South-North high-level talks take place, it is necessary to organize and operate 'South-North Joint Arms Control Promotion Board (tentative name)'. Fourth, it is required to exercise more active diplomatic competence in order to create national consensus on necessity of arms control for peaceful reunification and to form more favorable international environment. Especially, it is necessary to think about how to solve nuclear issue of North Korea together in collaboration with international society and how to maintain balance between ROK-US alliance and Sino-Korean cooperation relations.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.201-233
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• 2008

러시아와 한국간의 공식적인 접촉은 1990년 6월 샌프란시스코에서 개최된 정상회담이다. 동년 9월 뉴욕에서 개최된 양국의 외무장관 회담에서 러시아와 한국의 외교관계가 수립되었다. 그간 양국간에는 협정을 통한 협력의 법적기반이 조성되었는데 주요 분야를 보면 무역, 투자보장, 어업, 이중과세방지, 군사기술분야, 원자력의 평화적 이용, 문화교류에 관한 협정들이 있다. 역시 양국간의 주요 관심사항은 무역과 경제협력 분야이다. 2007년도 러시아와 한국의 무역액은 150억 달러를 초과함으로써 전년도에 비해 55.5% 증가하였다. 러시아의 한국으로의 수출은 약 70억 달러로서 전년도에 비해 52.6% 증가했고 한국으로부터의 수입은 80억 달러를 초과함으로써 전년도에 비해 56.1% 증가하였다. 그리하여 러시아는 한국의 10대 교역국으로 성장하였다. 가스와 오일 프로젝트 추진과 관련하여 사할린지역에서 사용하기 위해 한국으로부터 수입하는 드릴기계장비, 탱커, 자동차, 휴대전화는 한국과 러시아 양국간 경제성장의 주요요인이 되고 있다. 2008년 1/4 분기 양국간 무역액은 42억 달러를 초과했는데 이는 전년도 동기와 비교해서 72.1% 증가한 것이다. 이 중 한국에의 수출은 17억 달러를 초과했는데 이는 전년도 1/4분기에 비해 91.7% 성장한 것이다. 한국으로부터의 수입은 약 25억 달러로서 전년도 1/4 분기와 대비해서 60.6% 성장했다. 러시아와 한국간의 경제교류가 크게 증대하게 된 배경에는 러-한경제과학기술협력공동위원회가 큰 역할을 담당했다. 이 논문에서 필자는 무역과 투자측면에서 본 양국간 경제협력의 특징을 고찰하는 한편 러시아의 동부지역(러시아 극동 및 바이칼횡단지역)과 한국과의 협력과 관련된 역동성과 과제를 제시하는데 연구의 목적을 두었다. 한국은 외국기업과 함께 러시아 극동지역의 무역과 경제협력 증진에 상당한 공헌을 함으로써 러시아 극동경제권에서 주요 무역파트너가 되고 있다. 또한 본 연구에서는 한국과 러시아간의 주요 협력프로젝트에 관하여 고찰하는 한편 앞으로의 전망을 제시하였다. 이 문제는 무엇보다도 한-러간의 공동 에너지프로젝트 및 에너지자원의 무역과 관련되어 있다. 한국과 러시아는 이미 많은 분야에서 상당한 정도로 상호 협력관계를 발전시켜왔다. 여기에는 정책, 에너지, 경제, 문화, 과학기술 분야가 포함되어 있다. 현재 러시아와 한국간에는 에너지 분야에서의 전략적 대화채널 구축에 관한 문제와 함께 연료 및 에너지공단 건설과 관련하여 협력문제가 논의되고 있다. 에너지 분야에서의 전략적 대화개념 구축을 위해서는 전략, 예측 및 투자환경의 문제가 양국간에 집중논의 되어야 하고 법제상의 조화문제도 논의되어야 한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.165-198
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• 2002

By comparing and analyzing the September 11 terror attack news reports on the daily papers in the U.S., Korea, and China, this research found that national ideology and international relationship concerned have affected news report frames about international dispute matters. Both quantitative and qualitative researches identify differences in news framing. For example, after the September 11 terror attack, the most pages of the USs The New York Times and Korean Chosunilbo were covered with related articles(382 and 192 reports, respectively), whereas Chinese Inminilbo cur down to only 32 reports about the issue. Also in content, both The New York Times and Chosunilbo viewed the September 11 terror attack as evil acts which threatened world peace and justified military action against Afghanistan as inevitable revenge and justice for such evil acts, in the point of the USs official view. However, Inminilbo gave out news only based on facts in a neutral viewpoint. Moreover, regarding American military intervention, the Chinese newspapers held very different news frame from the other two by describing considerable sacrifice and pain of innocent people of Afghanistan seriously. For the story composition, daily newspapers in all three countries took the same way to report focusing on specific events with episodes.