• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.95-131
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• 2008

조직적 침체를 겪고 있는 특수고용노조들과 관련하여 초기조직화 후 노조활동경험에 대해서는 연구가 이루어지지 않은 상황에서 이 글은 특수고용노조운동으로서 가장 두드러진 활동을 전개해온 화물연대의 노조활동경험을 사례분석하여 특수고용노조 나아가 비정규노조의 활동에 있어서 고려해야 할 '노조운동의 동학'은 무엇인가를 탐색하였다. 연구자료로서 노조의 문서자료와 관련 연구결과자료 등을 이용하였다. 먼저 화물연대의 동학의 배경을 이루는 화물연대 5년의 전개과정을 환경, 전략, 요구, 조직, 투쟁, 교섭의 측면에서 그리고 성과와 한계를 개괄적으로 살펴보았다. 이를 바탕으로 화물연대의 전개과정에서 볼 수 있는 특수고용노조운동의 특수한 동학을 특수고용노조운동에 함의를 갖고 있다고 보이는 것에 초점을 맞추어 재정리하는 방식으로 추출하였다. 특수고용노조운동의 동학으로서 노동자성 불인정의 악영향, 노동자집단의식 형성의 어려움, 조직확대의 어려움, 조직의 동맥경화 가능성, 간부의 취약성, 대상, 공간 및 수준의 복잡성으로 인한 어려움, 높은 내외이질성으로 인한 어려움을 볼 수 있었다. 이러한 동학을 고려하여 초기조직화 이후 특수고용노조들이 집중해야 할 활동방향을 제시하였다. 마지막으로 연구의 한계와 향후 연구방향을 제시하였다.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.157-196
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• 2018

This study analyzes non-standard workers' attitudes and behaviors towards standard workers' strikes using the case of a joint strike held by journalists at KBS and MBC in 2012. Tracing the process since 2008 by which a conservative government has tried to control the press and regular journalists have collectively resisted against it, we put our analytical focus on two major groups of freelance broadcast professionals: independent producers and writers in current affairs. Specifically, we examine 1) how they perceived and responded to a series of regular journalists' struggle to protect journalistic value, 2) how such perception of and response to regular journalists could be developed, and 3) how (de)solidarity could form and then deepened between freelance and regular journalists in the 2012 Media Strike. Our findings show that the ways in which regular journalists had controlled freelance journalists at work affected the relationship between class-based and occupation-based rationality freelance journalists held in their minds. Independent producers, who had developed a strong class-based rationality in response to the coercive input-output control, showed cynicism about regular journalists' strike pointing out their hypocrisy and contradiction. In contrast, freelance writers accommodated and joined the strike by regular workers in the spirit of solidarity based on occupational rationality which had developed from normative, process control. Our paper ends with theoretical and practical implications.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.125-162
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• 2001

According to the survey results on non-standard employment, most of the non-standard workers are women and work at service jobs and some jobs that do not require firm-specific skill. Also wages of non-standard workers appear to be lower than those of standard workers by 10~19%. Non-standard workers are very much likely to be excluded from beneficiaries of economic growth because job contents and ability are not important relatively as criteria in determining their basic wage and their benefits are also much lower in severance pay and bonuses, vacations, 4 social insurances, education and training opportunities. Because of very low rate of union membership, the working conditions of non-standard workers are not expected to be improvable easily by unions. It seems that the reason of the demand increase for non-standard workers is mainly because not only an individual establishment demands quantitative flexibility in employment, but also there are tendencies of being smaller in establishment size and of growing service industries macro-economically. The number of non-standard workers are expected to increase continuously in the future, too.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.7
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• pp.33-45
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• 2015

Present study aims to describe who are the non-regular female workers in South Korea. The dominant form of employment of Korean female non-regular workers is characterized by instable contract, low wage, long-time work and exclusion from the state and occupational welfare. Also, non-regular female workers are not homeogenous but there are various groups of women among female non-regular workers including young part-time workers, high educational middle class contract professionals, particular contract workers such as home-schooling teachers. However, it would worth noting that over 40s, low-educational, low income, breadwinning women who are working in sales, service, and simple handy job are most likely to become non-regular female workers in South Korea. Those women are the major group among non-regular female workers. The public assistance (in cash) for non-regular workers are necessarily needed for them at this point in South Korea.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.49-77
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• 2016

The aim of this study is to reveal errors in the estimations on the nonstandard workers scale which have resulted from little consideration for bogus self-employment. Bogus self-employment means disguised employment relationships that are considered to be self-employed workers even though they have inherent subordination. The methods of previous studies estimate that the bogus self-employed workers are excluded from estimations because they are not workers in principle. We analyze the scale of the bogus self-employments using the empirical data [the Korean Welfare Panel of 2008-2013(six wave panel)] to re-estimate the scale of non-standard workers. In 2013, the year of the last wave, the percentage of the bogus self-employment was high, the proportion of them is 28.5% among self-employment without owning a place of business. Our results expect the number of contract workers from re-analysis would be over 740 thousand when reflecting on the predictive value in the actual number of paid workers. In conclusion, it is necessary to apply reasonable methods of analysis concerning the scope and scale of the nonstandard workers for the sake of coping with measures against the problem of nonstandard workers. The aim of this study is to reveal the estimation error on nonstandard workers' scale which are resulted from having no consideration for bogus self-employment. Bogus self-employment means disguised employment relationship that is considered as self-employment workers even though they have inherent subordination. The methods of previous researches' estimation on nonstandard workers have the problem that the bogus self-employment workers are excluded from estimation because they are not workers in principle.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.139-176
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• 2011

Non-regular workers came to the fore while working class formation was in retreat along with the democratic labor movement of regular workers. The formation of principal agents, however, is yet to occur. Then, why non-regular workers' struggles could not yield a consequence in that regard? What kind of factors are to determine the outcome of the struggles and how do they do it? It is the aim of this study to answer those questions. In contrast with regular workers' struggles, non-regular workers' struggles tend to break out in response to capitalist offensives, rely on atypical and, often, extreme measures of struggle rather than strike in the form of work stoppage, drag out for too long, and appeal for social solidarity outside when the solidarity of regular workers is not available. Non-regular workers' struggles tend to end up with failure rather than success, and with weakening rather than strengthening of their organizational strength. So as to overcome the tendency to fail, non-regular workers' struggles need regular workers' solidarity in addition to their own strong mobilization power, while social solidarity or positional power could substitute for regular workers' solidarity in some cases. So as to build up their organizational strength, non-regular workers' struggles should win victories in the struggles, while a victory could turn into a trap in the case of conversion. Both regular workers' solidarity and the internal integration of the struggles are two foremost important factors in achieving the victory of struggles and the building-up of organizational strength. Those who have got involved in struggles are from the best organized sector among all the non-regular workers. As they have gone through weakening of organizational strength, it becomes more difficult for non-regular workers to form principal agents. Without non-regular workers' struggles, however, the capitalist offensives must have carried the day. In that sense, non-regular workers' struggles did a role in at least detaining capitalist offensives, if not stopping them. The practical implication of non-regular workers' struggles is that, if non-regular workers redefine the ultimate goal of their struggles as the formation of their principal agents for working class formation, it would be a strategically rational choice to identify the strategic objective of struggles with the maintaining and strengthening of their organizational strength rather than the achievement of their immediate demands.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.107-156
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• 2018

This article examines the history of the in - house subcontracting and the stabilization of labor - management relations in the steel industry in Japan. The ratio of in-house subcontract workers among steel workers has increased steadily until the mid-2000s, and about 70% in case of the largest company. In-house subcontracting was used as a strategy of the company to increase the quantity flexibility of employment and to save labor costs. The in-house subcontracting company needed company-specialized skills, and the internal labor market was formed because the rate of full-time workers was high and the turnover rate was low. The in-house subcontractor introduced long-term business relationship with the steel factory by introducing the equipment and materials necessary for the performance of the work, and the factory implemented the productivity improvement policy of the in-house subcontractor, and the win-win relationship between the factory and in-house subcontractor was developed. The trade union did not oppose the idea that the expansion of in-house subcontracting contributed to corporate profits, the stability of employment of the members and maintenance of their working conditions. Since 2000, the steel factory has pursued the transformation of in - house subcontractors into subsidiaries, which has been supported by capital relations. By the way, since the mid-2000s, there has been an increase in the number of regular workers' employment. The major factors are as follows: more strengthened compliance with laws and regulations, the higher quality request of customers, stricter keeping of deadlines, and problem in recruiting of workers at in-house subcontract companies. The wage gap between the factory and in - house subcontracting was less at company B than at company S, and the wage level of in - house subcontracting was about 90% of the factory at company B. The relatively small gap at company B seems to be due to the union's movement of narrowing the gap, low market dominance and unfavorable labor market. The internal labor market has been formed in the in-house subcontracting, and the wage gap is not large, and the possibility of labor disputes is low. Industrial relations are stable in the in-house subcontract company as well as the factory. The stabilization of labor-management relations in the steel industry in Korea is required to reduce the wage gap between the factory and in-house subcontract enterprises by raising productivity and expanding the internal labor market at in-house subcontract enterprises.