• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.1-6
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• 2019

During the Obama administration, America made a shift in its foreign policies to re-focus on Asia. The strategy, known as 'Pivot to Asia', was used to contain a rising China. In this editorial note, I appropriate the geopolitical term to call for a scholarly refocus on Asia (and the broader Asia Pacific region). JCEA started as an area journal. While it has become more technology-focused and less geographically-bounded in its coverage of topics, the journal recognizes the centrality of the region's political economy and technological forces in setting (and upsetting) global norms and rules. The Asia Pacific contains the world's freest economies as well as the most oppressive regimes. It breeds both technology giants and laggards. As new geopolitical tensions loom, it is where the digital iron curtain is drawn, and where the vice and virtue of innovations debated. Social scientists in the English world, who lend extensively on European and American cases, can benefit from studying the Asia Pacific by testing whether and how local experience conforms to or confronts with universal theories. Very likely, western-centric norms and models become morphed and entangled in the grounded local particularity, reflecting many shades of this diverse place. In my arguments below, I highlight the Asia Pacific as a site of contradiction, as well as a site of contention and negotiation. My emphasis is that regional particularity holds the key to answer concurrent debates in the West concerning governance and accountability in the digital age.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.124-152
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• 2019

Smart city, which employs information and communication technology (ICT) to resolve urban problems, is gaining more research attention in the innovation research. However, most previous studies regard citizens as merely passive accepters of the smart city services, focusing on individual private values. The present study aims to expand existing limited perspectives by applying public value management theory. Drawing from the literature review, we developed a dual perspective that a smart city service should encompass: private and public value. Then we set up a causal relationship between the value recognitions and intention to adopt smart city services. We further related antecedent variables to the dual value recognition in terms of citizens' characteristics: prior knowledge, personal innovativeness, and citizenship. Two case subjects among currently operating smart city services in South Korea were selected to empirically investigate our hypothesis. Results confirm the recognition of both public and private value is significantly related to the citizens' personal characteristics and resultant attitude towards acceptance and support for diffusion of the smart city services. This study is expected to provide useful implications for a new angle for the recipient of the smart city services, value orientation of the services, citizen's participation, and method selection for promotion.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.200-221
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• 2018

Open Science is an umbrella term that involves various movements aiming to remove the barriers to sharing any kind of output, resources, methods or tools at any stage of the research process. While the study of open science is relatively advanced in Western countries, we know of no scholarship that attempts to understand open science in Hong Kong. This paper provides a broad-based background on the major research data management organisations, policies and institutions with the intention of laying a foundation for more rigorous future research that quantifies the benefits of open access and open data policies. We explore the status and prospects for open science (open access and open data) in the context of Hong Kong and how open science can contribute to innovation in Hong Kong. Surveying Hong Kong's policies and players, we identify both lost research potential and provide positive examples of Hong Kong's contribution to scientific research. Finally, we offer suggestions regarding what changes can be made to address the gaps we identify.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.147-175
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• 2018

Under authoritarian regimes, citizen-led NGOs such as environmental NGOs (ENGOs) often operate under close scrutiny of the government. While this presents a challenge to a single ENGO, we propose here - in line with existing research on network effects - that there are opportunities for multiple ENGOs to coordinate and thus work in ways that supersede government controls, affect public opinion, and contribute to policy revision and/or creation. In this paper, we specifically examine the possibility that the gamut of citizen-based ENGOs in China are coordinating. Based on network analysis of ENGOs web pages as well as interviews with more than a dozen ENGO leaders between 2014 and 2016, we find that ENGOs have few direct and public connections to each other, but social media sites and personal connections offline provide a crucial function in creating bridges. A closer examination of these bridges reveals, however, that they can be substantive to the environmental discussion or functional to the dissemination of web page information but typically not both. In short, ENGOs in China are not directly connected but rather are connected in a way that responds to the available social media and the government's censorship practices.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제21권2호
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• pp.27-46
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is two-fold: first, to discuss the concept of health diplomacy and the Korean government's response to contain the COVID-19 pandemic; second, to assess and compare assumptions of variances about foreigners' perceptions of how Korea is leveraging digital technology in battling the coronavirus spread, and its vaccine campaign; through the lenses of Chinese, Filipino, and Pakistani foreign nationals who are currently living in Korea. A total of 219 foreigners responded to the survey. The collected data were analyzed as percentages, mean averages, t-test, and ANOVA for statistical analysis. Results show that Korea is utilizing its digital technology practices and vaccine campaign in battling the pandemic through efforts of health diplomacy. ANOVA indicated significant results and assumptions of variance across three ethnic groups showing the Pakistani population had higher mean scores than the Chinese and Filipino about Korea's health diplomacy during the pandemic. This study contributes to the literature on Korea's digital technology practices and vaccine campaigns amidst the COVID-19 pandemic by promoting its image through health diplomacy efforts. It projects the country's soft image on a global scale, to save the lives of locals and foreign nationals, by providing insights into health diplomacy in Korea.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.125-147
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• 2020

On the World Refugee Day in 2017, Yao Chen, a Chinese actress, philanthropist, and social media influencer, posted messages in her Weibo in support of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Yet, social media users quickly interpreted this supportive message of the refugee program as encouraging people to "accept and receive refugees" (jieshou nanmin) into China. Particularly, the category of Middle Eastern refugees elicited most criticism in China's cyberspace. As the inclusion of refugees is an integral part of immigrant multiculturalism, this article examines the limits of multicultural imagination of refugees―particularly those from the Middle Eastern and North Africa―in contemporary China. I argue that the limits of multicultural imagination in contemporary China is profoundly shaped by an intricate interweaving of domestic policies and global imaginaries toward refugees. By deploying a mixed methodology, such limits are examined from legal-institutional, ideological, and sociocultural perspectives. More specifically, three interrelated aspects will be highlighted in the article: (1) the global circulation of right-wing populism imaginaries, and their entanglements with the anti-Muslim sentiments in contemporary China; (2) the current insufficiency of the legal-institutional framework regarding refugees and asylum-seekers, which needs to be contextualized in China's modern history of dealing with refugee issues; (3) population politics, the rise of Han-centric nationalism, and their constraining impact on the interpretation of historical events related to cultural diversity. In conclusion, this article also offers potential implications for further examining the different yet potentially intersected genealogies of multicultural imaginaries beyond the Middle Eastern and North African refugees in Asia.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.148-168
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• 2020

In April, 2020, amid widespread fear of a second wave of infections of the novel coronavirus in China, local authorities in Guangzhou cracked down on the city's black population, resulting in mass evictions of Africans. The incident raises several questions about racism in China. How should we interpret this heavy-handed treatment of black people? Was this an isolated incident? What motivated such operations? In this article, I explain social control of Guangzhou's African communities as a problem of municipal politics. What underlies the government's heavy handed approach, I argue, are those communities' ties to rurality, which constitute a roadblock in the city's urban upgrade. Using Dengfeng Village, one of the best known African communities in China, as a case study, I show that efforts to upgrade the area by the local state and the real estate industry were frustrated by the community's status as an urban village. Africans, whom Chinese have historically associated with rurality, are seen as contributing to a space that has long been stigmatized as a spatial manifestation of rural people's lack of self-discipline. To better reveal the interconnection between social control and urban politics, I place official action in context of the history of the community's formation and the lived experience. This analysis of Dengfeng applies to various extents to other major African communities in Guangzhou.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.20-39
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• 2020

In order to overturn the exclusion of Korean schools from the newly implemented free tuition program (2010) as part of sanctions against North Korea, members of Korean schools and Japanese supporters have focused on "students' innocence" and "multicultural coexistence" as viable frameworks to explain why the students are sympathetic and legitimate subjects who deserve equal rights. Examining different political strategies employed by the Korean schools and their supporters through ethnography and media analysis, the article pays close attention to how they claim their eligibility for these rights while they negotiate state surveillance and intervention in the process. I argue that in their efforts to gain recognition as deserving and sympathetic subjects, Korean schools are trapped in what political theorist Patchen Markell calls a "permanent temptation" in pursuing "recognition." Anti-North Korea sentiments in Japan have made the desire for good recognition even more urgent among Korean school community members. The paper will demonstrate that the search for recognition unwittingly reinforces and perpetuates existing relations of subordination and state dominance over their education as it has forced the Korean schools to accept various "conditions" that would radically alter the core principle, mission, and pedagogy of Korean school education that is rooted in decolonizing theory and praxis. This paper will shed lights on dilemma of multicultural coexistence the Korean minority population faces in Japan today.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.40-60
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• 2020

Among Filipino entertainers in Japan, trans women (transgender women) or transpinay (Filipino trans woman) entertainers remain understudied compared to cisgender women. Though the number of entertainers has declined, transpinay entertainers remain relevant as transgender issues continue to be salient globally. This study explains the gendered experiences of the transpinay migrants, particularly in entertainment work and their relationships, which are different from cisgender Filipino women entertainers' experiences. Using grounded theory and drawing on concepts of performativity in interactions to analyze the narratives of transpinay entertainers, I delve into how transpinay entertainers negotiate their gender and migrant identities as they establish professional and personal relationships. Moreover, the transpinays' entertainment work is a significant contributing factor to their sense of belonging in Japan, as they form relationships with colleagues, clients, and partners who support them and, thereby, sustain their lifestyles as trans women. The transpinay entertainers' flows of migration between Japan and the Philippines reveal that they embrace various aspects of social remittances and use them to their advantage to create and enhance their transpinay identity in Japan. By examining the transpinays' migrant experiences, this study aims to elucidate the gendered experiences of transpinay entertainers, which involve significant negotiations in their migration pathways notably different from cisgender Filipino women entertainers, reveal resilience.