• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.231-239
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• 2021

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.193-200
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• 2020

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.85-112
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• 2017

Donald Trump, the $45^{th}$ president of the United States, has revived the 'English Only' policy since the beginning of his presidential campaign. The monolingualism not only underscores his extremely conservative ideas, but it also reflects the nativist tendency that prevents the demographic and cultural transformation of the US, which is accelerated by globalization and transnational migration. In particular, Donald Trump tries to reconfirm the mainstream American culture that is now thought to have been threatened by Hispanization and the growing number of Spanish speakers. This paper examines the effects of "code-switching" and the possibility of a bilingual community by contrasting Donald Trump with Gloria $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$, one of the representative Latina writers who created a "border language." Borderlands/La Frontera (1987) includes Spanish glossaries and expressions to represent her bilingual realities, while attempting to translate from English to Spanish, and vice versa. However, the text occasionally demonstrates the impossibility of translation. In doing so, $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$ indirectly states that it is indispensable to present both languages at the stage; she also invites monolingual readers to make more efforts to learn and better understand the Other's language. A "border language" she attempts to embody throughout the text is created in the process of encounters, conflicts, and negotiations among languages of different ethnicities, classes and generations. It does not signify an established form: rather it appears as a constantly transforming language, which can provide us with new perspectives and an alternative way of communication beyond monolingualism.

• Laser Solutions
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.20-22
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• 2012

This papers show new technology of thin disk type resonator lasers which are well kwon technology by TRUMPF.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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• s.302
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• pp.8-11
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• 2017

정유년이 밝았다. 그러나 희망찬 새해 운운하기에는 대내외적 불확실성이 너무 크다. 촛불로 대표되는 국내 정치 여건의 급박한 변화 가능성, 미국 대통령 교체가 상징하는 국제 정치/경제 환경의 불안정성을 모두 고려해야 한다. 석유 산업은 더욱 큰 불확실성에 직면할 전망이다. OPEC 감산과 트럼프의 새로운 에너지 정책이라는 불협화음이 어떤 결과를 낳을지 쉽게 예단할 수 없다. 2017년 석유 산업이 처할 환경에 대해 조심스럽게 전망하고자 한다.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.61-65
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• 1987

Randomization is one of the principles that should be adopted in comparative experiments. Randomization is well known as a useful tool for averaging out the effects of external factors. It also validates statistical inference based on mathematical model. This teaching meterial is designed for the purpose of illustrating the role of randomization.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.101-106
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• 2017

This paper investigates how news media frame news editorials to deliver their subjective ideological stance through news discourse related with two candidates in 2016 U.S presidential election. For this purpose, 13 editorials were chosen and analyzed which appeared on the New York Time for the period from Sept. 1 to Sept. 30, almost two months prior to the election, giving special attention to the headlines of those editorials and the expressive linguistic forms in the selected two articles, based on the two theoretical frameworks-van Dijk' (1996)'s ideological square and Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal Theory. The results are as follows: (1) editorials clearly supported Hillary Clinton; (2) following the appraisal theory, the category of 'feeling' was applied in expressing the preference for Hillary, whereas the strategy of judgment for Trump, where the strategy of 'emphasis' from the ideological framework were used for both candidates.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

For the past 66 years, the Korea-U.S. alliance has been a typical asymmetric alliance in which the U.S. supports South Korea's security during the Cold War and South Korea gives some of its policy autonomy to the U.S. But Lee Myung-bak government military alliance the 'comprehensive strategic alliance' of the character, 'value of alliance', Park Geun-hye ' a global, 'Frontier of cooperation', the government.'reciprocal, comprehensive alliance' Moon Jae-in, the government and partnerships developed with ' euroui the development of national security strategy said. The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build a reciprocal and comprehensive Korea-U.S. alliance for the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance policy in order to ensure South Korea's policy autonomy following changes in the Trump administration's alliance policy. The results of the research show the need for Korea to participate in the U.S.-led 'India-Pacific Strategy' continue diplomatic efforts for the mutual economic benefits of the two countries and strengthen public diplomacy in order to build the Korea-U.S. alliance in a reciprocal and comprehensive manner.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.127-135
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• 2017

Today, Kim Jong-un, the third-hereditary regime in North Korea, is committing Nuclear Provocation more aggressively than the past when Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il dominated. Past South Korea government had suggested plans to restrain the provocation from North Korea and bring stabilization in the Korean Peninsula. However, consequentially it was limited to the primary role of the President. When President Trump takes over the government in February 2017, it has attracted the expectation about the issues occurred on the Korean Peninsula due to the pledge that he promised during the presidential election and his govern style. However, various speeches about the Korean Peninsula that he spoke recently made situations depressed about what South Korean currently encounters. Furthermore, previous regime in North Korea has laid the foundation for Kim Jong-un to be obsessed more on the nuclear and missile which has led him to provoke more imprudently by highlighting the light weight, advanced, and various kinds of nuclear and missiles. Thus, we would like to propose counter measures in order for South Korean government to handle and solve the issues that they encounters by themselves based on North Korea's Nuclear Provocation instead of relying on other countries to get involved and help.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.