• Proceedings of KHEA Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.151-151
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• 2003

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.45-56
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• 2003

In this comparison of observation of traditional childbirth and early childhood rituals, 118 young mothers whose children were 2- to 2.5- years-old and their mothers or mothers-in-law responded to questionnaires. Results showed that most grandmothers, when they were young mothers, observed more of the traditional rituals than the young mothers in sample. That is, more grandmothers hung the Kum jul(tabb rope) and the baby's grandparents named the baby. The young mothers of this sample were more likely to employ a professional name giver, they telephoned their relatives to inform them of the birth, gave a banquet, took more souvenir of picture, and were given more monetary and other gifts at their's first birthday.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.134-144
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• 1995

본 연구는 한국전총사회의 아동양육을 알아 보기 위해 고려시대의 문집인 파한집.한국이상국집.보한집을 문헌분석하였다. 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 고려시대의 아동에 대한 인식특징으로는 아동의 소질이나 품성은 선천적으로 타고 나는 것으로 보았으며, 또한 아동의 지적 측면에 대한 기초가 높았다는 점을 들 수 있다. 둘째, 고려시대 아동은 가내과업을 통하여 성인생활로 자연스럽게 사회화될 뿐만아니라 행동모방.자연적 친화.도구제작 등의 활동특성을 지닌 놀이 생활을 하였다. 세째, 고려시대에 부성은 아동의 물리적 보호뿐만 아니라 심리적 측면에서의 야육활동을 수행하였고 한편으로 모성에게는 영아 양육에 있어 필연적 관계가 강조되었으며 또한 당시 사회에는 강항 양육책임의식이 있었음이 밝혀졌다. 그리고 분집을 통하여 당시 아동의 의식주생활, 출생의례, 가족교육등에 관한 일부 내용이 발견되었다.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.7
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• pp.1-16
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• 2009

This study is on the children's clothing in Seoul Gyeonggi-do, Chungcheong-do and Gangwon-do between the $1920s{\sim}1950s$, by comparing positive data collected from pictures and literatures, remains and interviews. A baenaet jeogori was made of soft white cotton fabrics and was used as a charm when the baby had grown and had an test or a big occasion. A dureong chima and pungcha trousers were clothes for both boys and girls from their birth to the age of $4{\sim}5$ when they could have bowel movements by themselves. Occasions for celebrating a baby's growth were the one-hundredth day and the first birthday. In general, ordinary families had their babies' one-hundredth day in a simple way without special clothes. On the first birthday, however, even ordinary families prepared new clothes for their babies, and read their fortune and prayed for their well being and long life through events such as doljabi. In the age when medicine was poor and the infant mortality was high, the meaning of such a ceremony was to congratulate on the baby's safe growth through dangerous moments.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.55-68
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• 2004

This study investigated differences or similarities of infant rearing practices in Korea, Hong Kong and the United States and in young mothers and grandmothers generations. The silbjects were young mothers(YM) with babies from 2 to 2.5 years and their mothers or mothers-in-law(GM) in Korea(YM=118, GM=118), Hong Kong(YM= 126, GM=78) and the United States(YM= 105, GM= 105). The subjects answered questionnaires on infant rearing practices that were constructed by child study specialists in Korea, Hong Kong and the United States. Statistical analyses were by frequencies, percentages, and $\chi$$^2$ The results of this study were as follows. 1. Kum-Jut was used to announce giving birth to relatives and neighbors only in Korea. Mothers in Korea were more helped in their recovery by their mother or mother-in-law than their husband, but the opposite was the case in Hong Kong and the United States. Most Korean mothers ate special foods after giving birth, but mothers in Hong Kong and the United Slates didn't. Mothers in Korea were more likely to avoid contact with strangers for a given period of time than mothers in Hong Kong and the United States. The babies in Korea were more often named by grandparents than by parents, but most of the babies in Hong Kong and the United States were named by parents. The greater part of babies in Korea didn't have childhood names or nick names, but most babies in Hong Kong and the United States did. 2. Mothers in Korea were more likely to give a banquet, exercise Dol Jab le, share foods with neighbors, and take souvenir pictures on the baby's first birthday than mothers did in Hong Kong and the United States. Most mothers in Korea tended to think that their baby's fiyst birthday was more meaningful than the other birihdays, but most mothers in Hong Kong and the United States didn't. 3. Some differences between young mothers and grandmothers generations in infant rearing practices were found in each culture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.35-44
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• 2003

In Anthropology, ceremonies which human should pass in lives are difined as ‘Rites of Passage’. Each Rite has its own Clothing style, which is little different from general Clothing in shape, composition, color, meaning, etc. This Study shows composition and characters on Birth Ceremony Clothing through Documents and Survey around Chonnam Area. Survey Area is subdivided into 3 parts : Koksung(A Basin of Sumjin River-Eastern Area of Chonnam), Na-ju( A Basin of Yeongsan River-Western Area of Chonnam), and Kangjin(Southern Area of Chonnam). This Study analyses characters on Baenaet Jogori, 100th-day Clothing and First-birthday Clothing in Chonnam Area. In case of Baenaet Jogori, its shape in Survey is similiar to that of documents. In case of 100th-day Clothing, New Jogori and Baji have been made usually. First-Birthday(called “Dol”) Clothing shows difference between male and female infant. Male clothing consists of Pungcha Baji, Jokki, Magoja, Doltti while Female clothing consists of Pungcha Baji, Chima, Jumoni, and Doltti. In making of infant Clothing, 5-colors(Blue. Red, Yellow, White, Black) which consists of basic color in the Theory of the cosmic dual forces and Shape of Letters such as 壽ㆍ福ㆍ亞ㆍ卍 are used usually. This kind of colors and Shape of letters symbolize longevity and fortune. As a result of study, I find what Ritual Clothing in Birth has many symbolic meaning which reflects life-style culture. This study lay meaning on that deals infant clothings as a kind of Ritual Clothing.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.149-188
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• 2011

This thesis presents the research of analytical psycholoy in respect of Jindo Dasiraegi. In a funeral of Jindo, situated in the southern island of Korea, there is a theatrical performance which is called Dasiraegi(rebirth). This research manifested a basic, universal meaning of psychological approach related the implicit of death in performing theatre from a analytic psychological point of view. The characteristics of this theatrical feast are like these ; 1) funeral festival 2) entrance of clown(the existence of antipole and conflict) 3) eroticism 4) active participation of female character 5) difficulty in her delivery 6) the moment of joy thanks to childbirth. The prerequisite of this feast should be a propitious mourning of person dying old and rich. That is, after having a complete life, it could be an entire death. Three main roles in Dasiraegi ; a bat-blind buddhist devotee, a strolling actor teasing men, an apostate monk, theses characters lock horns in a form of triangle conflict relations, then they keep a balance with a fake mourner as a protagonist , modulator and narrator. These characters are indeed clowns who manifested a metaphor as a decent, sacred and reasonable part of shadow regards group consciousness. The alive and the deceased, mourner and fake mourner, piety and confusion, wail and laugh, silence and grumble, death and birth, diverse antipole all coexist then theses are in harmony. The blind devotee and the monk are in antipole, the entertainer(anima) provokes a conflict between them. The infant is a solution as same as a result of conflict. This conflict seems to be eased by birth of a baby which is a symbol of wholeness(ganzheits) but the conflict of antipole is reenacted as insisting his parental right so this solution is leaving the baby to the chief mourner who is fourth character and the first beginning. Unconsciousness, hereby, is negotiating with appeared reality. The Images in unconsciousness are conscious and this new energy in unconsciousness is proceeding towards consciousness, then it became a therapeutic power for the loss of consciousness. Dasiraegi is the play of consolation much more for the alive than the deceased. The death signified not a loss but a resurrection and this intends a transition of new leading independent role for the alive. These make us have more prudent consideration concern the double sense of renewal for the dead and the alive. It is preserved as only a form of drama on stage after disappearance of Dasiraegi in a funeral recently. Dasiraegi was a manifestation of unconsciousness for compensation about the unilateral attitude of group consciousness to the strict death excessively. Therefore, this will enable reflect the relativeness and the attitude which regards the death as the end today.