• 프린팅코리아
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• s.22
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• pp.62-63
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• 2004

오는 4월15일에 실시될 제17대 총선거에 앞서 인쇄업계가 내심 총선특수를 기대하고 있지만 선거특수는 그리 크지 않을 것으로 전망된다. 특히 이번에 치러질 총선에서는 기존의 인쇄물 위주 홍보 방법에서 영상매체와 정보통신 매체를 통한 선거운동이 대폭 확대될 것으로 보인다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-118
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• 2016

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election (GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-${\grave{a}}$-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a "fixed deposit"state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.

• LP가스
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• s.90
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• pp.6-13
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• 2004

택시업계와 LPG업계는 공동으로"LPG가격공동위원회"를 구성하고 지난 3월 각 정당에 수송용 에너지가격체계의 조정과 택시에 사용되는 부탄의 특소세 면제를 17대 총선 공약으로 반영해줄 것을 건의했다.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.85-90
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• 2000

In radiation therapy, the effects of radiation are decided total dose, total treatment times and number of radiation dose fractions. We considered that total dose, total treatment times and number of radiation dose fractions in intensity modulation radiation therapy(IMRT) infuence tumor cell killing. The goal of three dimensional conformal radiation therapy(3DCRT) in radiation therapy is to conform the partial distribution of the prescribed radiation dose to the precise 3D configuration of the tumor, and at the same time, to minimize the dose to the surrounding normal tissues. To optimize treatment volume of tumor, treatment volume will be same tumor volume. All IMRT compare to conventional treatment plus boost IMRT when total dose irradiated 75 - 90 Gy. Because of biological effect, total dose are decreased 12.5 - l5Gy in all IMRT.

• 프린팅코리아
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.72-77
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• 2012

2012년 상반기 인쇄업계는 총선물량 등으로 반짝 호재가 있을 것으로 전망됐지만 실제로는 총선특수도 미미했고, 지난해 상반기보다 경영이 더 악화된 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 상황은 제조업도 마찬가지였으나 제조업 평균보다 인쇄업계는 더 어려운 상반기를 보냈다. 인쇄업계의 경우 원자재가격은 지난해보다 낮아졌으나 내수경기부진 등으로 인해 매출 실적과 제품 판매가격 실적이 지난해보다 크게 떨어졌다.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.57-72
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• 2009

In Korea, telephone surveys have been used in election forecasting since 1992. In some elections, predictions were excellent, but in some elections, the predictions based on telephone surveys were not good. So, exit polls have been used along with the telephone surveys in predicting election outcomes since 2001 by the major broadcasting networks. Though telephone surveys, in general, have been less accurate than exit polls in election forecasting from 2000 to 2003, they were more accurate in the 2004 General Election than the exit polls. All predictions on the winners by the telephone surveys turned out to be accurate. But such success has not persisted. In the 2008 General Election, the telephone surveys was less accurate than the exit polls and actually its accuracy fell clown to the level of the 2000 General Election. This paper tried to find out. the factors responsible for the fluctuation of the accuracy of telephone polls.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Nuclear industry
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• v.16 no.6 s.160
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• pp.82-83
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• 1996

• Digital Contents
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• no.6 s.133
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• pp.40-52
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• 2004

온 나라를 광기로 뒤덮었던 17대 총선이 끝났다. 선거가 끝나면 모든 것이 사라지거나 해결될 것처럼 보였지만 선거가 끝난 지금도 별반 차이가 없어 보인다. 온 국민이 걱정하고 있는 경제난 또한 마찬가지다. 정보화와 관련이 없을 것 같은 전통산업마저도 그 경쟁력의 원천은 바로 IT에서 비롯되고 있다. 이제 IT경기를 살리는 것은 여당, 야당만이 아닌 우리 전체의 몫으로 남아 있다. 이번 총선에서 IT는 무엇을 남겼는지, 17대 국회에는 어떤 IT인사들이 등원하는지, 그리고 무엇을 풀어가야 하는지 살펴봤다.