• Korean Security Journal
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• no.26
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• pp.121-144
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• 2011

The Framework Act on the Management of Disasters and Safety 2004(FAMDS) currently underpins Korean civil protection system, and under this FAMDS, Korean civil protection establishes a three-tiered government structure for dealing with crises and disasters: central government, provincial & metropolitan government, and local government tiers. In particular, the concept of Integrated Emergency Management(IEM) emphasizes that emergency response organizations should work and act together to respond to crises and disasters effectively, based on the coordination and cooperation model, not the command and control model. In tune with this trend, civil protection matters are, first, dealt with by local responders at the local level without direct involvement of central or federal government in the UK or USA. In other words, central government intervention is usually implemented in the UK and the USA, only when the scale or complexity of a civil protection issue is so vast, and thus requires a degree of central government coordination and support, resting on the severity and impact of the event. In contrast, it appears that civil protection mechanism in Korea has adopted a rigid centralized system within the command and control model, and for this reason, central government can easily interfere with regional or local command and control arrangements; there is a high level of central government decision-making remote from a local area. The principle of subsidiarity tends to be ignored. Under these circumstances, it is questionable whether such top-down arrangements of civil protection in Korea can manage uncertainty, unfamiliarity and unexpectedness in the age of Risk Society and Post-modern society, where interactive complexity is increasingly growing. In this context, the study argues that Korean civil protection system should move towards the decentralized model, based on coordination and cooperation between responding organizations, loosening the command and control structure, as with the UK or the USA emergency management arrangements. For this argument, the study basically explores mechanisms of civil protection arrangements in Korea under current legislation, and then finally attempts to make theoretical suggestions for the future of the Korean civil protection system.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.313-326
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• 2010

This paper explores the changing aspects of the fishing village and fishermen since the beginning of the Saemangeum Reclamation Development Project in 1991. The Saemangeum Project was neither appropriate nor effective because it adopted an outdated development policy. It should have been obvious that as a result of the Project, tideland where various kinds of clams, crabs, oyster, and many other marine resources live would be lost. The fishermen in the affected area have suffered various hardships. The most acute problem at present is the disappearance of their subsistence activity that threatens their families' survival. Facing the crisis, they view fishing as their most valuable resource. Overlooking the Saemangeum Lake which is newly formed, they view the sea and tideland as their treasure boxes or bank deposits. From the beginning until now, the government did not pay attention to the concerns of the fishermen and their communities. It was an outcome of the typical top-down bureaucratic decision making. Until recently the government has persisted in its position that the primary goal of the reclamation project was to increase agricultural land. In July 23, 2009, the government suddenly announced the new Saemangeum development plan. The new plan focusing on the industrial city complex was quite different from the old plan. Regardless of the revised plan the lives of the villagers in the coastal areas have already been significantly altered. Most villagers no longer depend on fishery. Many have already left their homestead and moved away in order to search new jobs or find another coastal area where they can continue their fishing.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.1
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• pp.125-145
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• 2017

The Purpose of this research is to draw implications of Multi-Functions of social welfare facilities on non-public social welfare delivery system especially in the rural area where there is not enough welfare infrastructure. The policy formation process of social welfare facilities was reviewed with 'Modified Policy Streams Framework" which combined Kingdon's Model with Mucciaroni's Model. Multi-Functions Policy of Social Welfare Facilities was led by the government with background of powerful President's initial stage of taking the power and finally legislated by amending Social Welfare Service Act in line with efficiency of non-public social welfare delivery system. However, the process did not represent the summation of needs originated from social work practice. The government just play the role of collecting some evidence underpinning the necessity of multi-functions of social welfare facilities and rearanging how to deploy the multi-functions policy. As the result the multi-functions policy is not activated and is not able to be the key criteria in expanding social welfare infrastructure. However, in spite of these limitation, the issue of multi-functions of social welfare facilities can cast the light on expanding infrastructure in the rural area where the gross size of area in larger in comparison to the district in the metropolitan city whereas residents are scattered because more number of social welfare facilities can not be the solution due to the limitation of finance and logic of efficiency.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.289-317
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• 1998

This study aims to review and evaluate the changes of the British social housing policy under the Conservative government(1979-1997), and to get some implications for the Korean case. The Conservatives tried to diminish the role of state in the realm of social welfare :in general, and to retreat the social housing policy in particular as a reaction to the' welfare state crisis' started from the early 1970s. In the realm of housing policy, privatisation and marketisation including the massive sale of council houses were driven enthusiastically. Public expenditure cut and redirection of the housing subsidy scheme were also implemented according to the changed policy orientation. The clear visible results of the policy changes can be seen as follows; radical changes of the housing tenure distribution, changing role of local authorities, and the worsening housing problems- housing shortages, residualisation, affordability problem, deepening dependency and the negative distribution of housing subsidy etc. Furthermore the goal of public expenditure cut, in fact, was not accomplished successfully. The results of this study support the argument that the Neo-liberalistic approach to the 'welfare state crisis' have resulted in reconstruction and redirection rather than total abolition of the role of state in welfare provision. This conclusion could provide important implications to Korean case, especially concerning the role of state in the social housing policy.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.147-170
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• 2022

This article analyzes the spillover effects by dividing the weekly rate of return on apartment prices in 70 si-gun-gu (local area) in the Capital Region into three periods: the entire period (April 2008~August 2021); the period before the price surge (April 2008~October 2018); and the period of price surge (November, 2018~August 2021), based on a consideration of the cycle of fluctuations in apartment sales prices and the timing of the current government's policy interventions. The results obtained from this analysis are summarized as follows. First, the analysis of the spillover effects is similar to or different from the results of existing work depending on the period. The analysis of the spillover effects on the entire period and the period before the price surge shows that the 'Gangnam' effect exists in the apartment market in the Capital Region. On the other hand, the analysis of the spillover effects on the period of price surge reveals different results than before. The spillover effect index calculated through the analysis of the rolling sample decreases during the decline in the cycle of apartment sales prices, while the opposite trend is shown during the upward period. Looking at the timing between the peak of the spillover effect index and policy interventions, it appears that the government's policy interventions took place after the peak of the spillover effect index in 2017, before the peak in 2018 and 2019, and around or after the peak after 2020.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.1 s.118
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• pp.41-62
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• 2007

This paper aims to interpret the changes of the regional inequality between Seoul Metropolitan Area(SMA) and Non-SMA after 1981 on the regulationist approaches that examine institution changes and power dynamics that motivate regional disparities in South Korea. Despite the restrict laws and aims that alms to reduce the concentration into SMA before 1988, the acts were not executed effectively due to the structural selectivity of the bureaucratic authoritarian state of those years. Thus, the regional concentration phenomena of SMA was intensified in the 1980s. However, the democratization in 1987 invoked Non-SMA regions to claim their regional development and it also forced the state to mediate the conflicting interests between the regional agents protesting the SMA concentration and the Capital agents supporting the SMA deregulation. From the early 1990s. the state launched a series of national strategies and policies to diminish regional inequality. They included execution of the existing acts mitigating SMA concentration and construction of industrial complexes in the underdeveloped areas of Non-SMA. Thus, the equalizing polities led the reduction of the concentration of SMA from 1989 to 1997. However, the financial crisis of Korea in 1997 intensified the claims of the Capital agents to deregulate the SMA control. The circumstance also forced the state towards the Capital side that request the deregulation of SMA control. As the result, the regional disparity between SMA and Non-SMA has been enlarged again since 1998.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.127-153
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• 2004

In the absence of a male provider the state must decide how far and under what conditions it will provide for the mother and her children. In the case of lone mothers, there are three main possible sources of income: the labour market, the absent father, and the state. However, the relative proportions of these three sources vary significantly from country to country as well as from individual to individual within the group of lone parents. Until very recently the UK has been alone among countries of the EU in allowing lone parents to draw benefits without making themselves available for work so long as they have dependent children. However, in the 1990s, the UK government introduced major changes to his policies regarding lone parents. The UK government attempted to restrict the role of the state as a source of income for lone parent families. At the beginning of the 1990s, the emphasis in the UK was put on securing more money from 'absent fathers' to maintain. However, the policy was unsuccessful and by the mid-1990s attention to the only other possible source of income for lone parent families, the labour market, was stepped up, notwithstanding the ambivalence of politicians about the desirability of women with young children entering employment. From 1998 the Labour government introduced a series of reforms aimed at reducing both worklessness and poverty by raising welfare payments to families both in and out of work, improving financial incentives to work and introducing a more proactive welfare system. The results presented here suggest that these policies have raised the employment rates of lone parents by around 5 percentage points, or 80,000. These employment gains have come from a welfare reform package that does not require lone parents to search for jobs, or uses time limits in welfare programmes. In addition these gains have been achieved despite generous increases in welfare payments for lone parents who do not work. These earnings gains combined with the more generous welfare are making rapid progress in reducing lone parents' poverty.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2021

This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.83-120
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• 2018

For Singapore, 2017 was an uneasy year. The presidential election was fraught with controversy since the revised Presidential Election Act allowed only one candidate to be eligible for the election. The bitter feud between Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his siblings shocked many Singaporeans. Succession planning for the next top leadership is still veiled in obscurity. The anti-globalization trend and the increasing pressure to raise the tax have become major challenges for Singapore's economy to overcome. China's continuous diplomatic pressure has called into the question Singapore's pragmatic foreign policy. Although its relations with China were back to normal, Singapore, the ASEAN chair in 2018, is still facing intractable problems in safeguarding ASEAN centrality in the growing US-China rivalry. In the meantime, Singapore has pursued its diversity and equality, heading toward a more matured multi-racial and multi-cultural society in 2017. The first female president, Halimah Yacob, served as a symbolic epitome of Singapore's emphasis on diversity and harmony among different ethnic groups and minorities. This great milestone, however, has largely been questioned by Singaporeans, as it seemed to be a political gesture that only utilized Halimah's double minority in the level of ideologies. The election of the Malay president has led Singaporeans to think about the real equity and equality among minorities, while strongly motivated to move toward a more inclusive society. In 2018, Singaporean leaders will try to resolve many challenging problems by reaffirming leadership succession planning, which is expected to lead Singapore to pursue a more integrated society.