• Title/Summary/Keyword: 지역적 특징

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Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

Diagenetic History of the Ordovician Chongson Limestone in the Chongson Area, Kangwon Province, Korea (강원도 정선 지역 오르도비스기 정선석회암의 속성 역사)

  • Bong, Lyon-Sik;Chung, Gong-Soo
    • Journal of the Korean earth science society
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    • v.21 no.4
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    • pp.449-468
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    • 2000
  • The Ordovician Chongson Limestone deposited in the carbonate ramp to the rimmed shelf shows diverse diagenetic features. The marine diagenetic feature appears as isopachous cements surrounding ooids and peloids. Meteoric diagenetic features are recrystallized finely and coarsely crystalline calcite, evaporite casts filled with calcite, and isopachous sparry calcite surrounding ooid grains. Shallow burial diagenetic features include wispy seam, microstylolite, and dissolution seam whereas deep burial features include stylolite, burial cements. blocky calcite with twin lamellae, and poikilotopic calcite. Dolomites consist of very finely to finely crystalline mosaic dolomite formed as supratidal dolomite, disseminated dolomite of diverse origin, patchy dolomite formed from bioturbated mottles, and saddle dolomite of burial origin. Silicified features include calcite-replacing quartz and fracture-filling megaquartz. Burial cements characterized by poikilotopic texture show ${\delta}^{18}$O value of -10.4 %$_o$ PDB, ${\delta}^{13}$C value of -1.0%$_o$ PDB and 504ppm Sr, 3643ppm Fe, and 152ppm Mn concentrations. Finely and coarsely crystalline limestones show similar ${\delta}^{18}$O and ${\delta}^{13}$C value to those of burial cements; however, they show lower Sr and higher Fe and Mn concentrations than burial cements. This suggests that very finely and coarsely crystalline limestones were recrystallized in freshwater and then they were readjusted geochemically in the burial setting whereas the burial cements were formed in relatively high temperature and low water/rock ratio conditions. Very finely and finely crystalline mosaic dolomites with ${\delta}^{18}$O value of -8.2%$_o$ PDB, ${\delta}^{13}$C value of -1.9 %$_o$ PDB, and 213ppm Sr, 3654ppm Fe, and 114ppm Mn concentrations, respectively are interpreted to have been formed penecontemporaneously in supratidal flat and then recrystallized in the low water/rock ratio burial environment. Geochemical data suggest that the low water/rock ratio burial environment was the dominant diagenetic setting in the Chongson Limestone. The Chongson Limestone has experienced marine and meteoric diagenesis during early diagenesis. With deposition of Haengmae and Hoedongri formations part of the Chongson Limestone was buried beneath these formations and it experienced shallow burial diagenesis. During the Devonian the Chongson Limestone was tectonically deformed and subaerially exposed. During the Carboniferous to the Permian about 3.3km thick Pyongan Supergroup was deposited on the Chongson Limestone and the Chongson Limestone was in deep burial depths and stylolite, burial cements, blocky calcite and saddle dolomite were formed. After this burial event the Chongson Limestone was subaerially exposed during the Mesozoic and Cenozoic by three periods of tectonic disturbance including Songnim, Daebo and Bulguksa disturbance. Since the Bulguksa disturbance during Cretaceous and early Tertiary the Chongson Limestone has been subaerially exposed.

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New Trends in the Production of One Hundred Fans Paintings in the Late Joseon Period: The One Hundred Fans Painting in the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt in Germany and Its Original Drawings at the National Museum of Korea (조선말기 백선도(百扇圖)의 새로운 제작경향 - 독일 로텐바움세계문화예술박물관 소장 <백선도(百扇圖)>와 국립중앙박물관 소장 <백선도(百扇圖) 초본(草本)>을 중심으로 -)

  • Kwon, Hyeeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.239-260
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    • 2019
  • This paper examines the circulation and dissemination of painting during and after the nineteenth century through a case study on the One Hundred Fans paintings produced as decorative folding screens at the time. One Hundred Fans paintings refer to depictions of layers of fans in various shapes on which pictures of diverse themes are drawn. Fans and paintings on fans were depicted on paintings before the nineteenth century. However, it was in the nineteenth century that they began to be applied as subject matter for decorative paintings. Reflecting the trend of enjoying extravagant hobbies, fans and paintings on fans were mainly produced as folding screens. The folding screen of One Hundred Fans from the collection of the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt (hereafter Rothenbaum Museum) in Germany was first introduced to Korean in the exhibition The City in Art, Art in the City held at the National Museum of Korea in 2016. Each panel in this six-panel folding screen features more than five different fans painted with diverse topics. This folding screen is of particular significance since the National Museum of Korea holds the original drawings. In the nineteenth century, calligraphy and painting that had formerly been enjoyed by Joseon royal family members and the nobility in private spaces began to spread among common people and was distributed through markets. In accordance with the trend of adorning households, colorful decorative paintings were preferred, leading to the popularization of the production of One Hundred Fans folding screens with pictures in different shapes and themes. A majority of the Korean collection in the Rothenbaum Museum belonged to Heinrich Constantin Eduard Meyer(1841~1926), a German businessman who served as the Joseon consul general in Germany. From the late 1890s until 1905, Meyer traveled back and forth between Joseon and Germany and collected a wide range of Korean artifacts. After returning to Germany, he sequentially donated his collections, including One Hundred Fans, to the Rothenbaum Museum. Folding screens like One Hundred Fans with their fresh and decorative beauty may have attracted the attention of foreigners living in Joseon. The One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum is an intriguing work in that during its treatment, a piece of paper with the inscription of the place name "Donghyeon" was found pasted upside down on the back of the second panel. Donghyeon was situated in between Euljiro 1-ga and Euljiro 2-ga in present-day Seoul. During the Joseon Dynasty, a domestic handicraft industry boomed in the area based on licensed shops and government offices, including the Dohwaseo (Royal Bureau of Painting), Hyeminseo (Royal Bureau of Public Dispensary), and Jangagwon (Royal Bureau of Music). In fact, in the early 1900s, shops selling calligraphy and painting existed in Donghyeon. Thus, it is very likely that the shops where Meyer purchased his collection of calligraphy and painting were located in Donghyeon. The six-panel folding screen One Hundred Fans in the collection of the Rothenbaum Museum is thought to have acquired its present form during a process of restoring Korean artifacts works in the 1980s. The original drawings of One Hundred Fans currently housed in the National Museum of Korea was acquired by the National Folk Museum of Korea between 1945 and 1950. Among the seven drawings of the painting, six indicate the order of their panels in the margins, which relates that the painting was originally an eight-panel folding screen. Each drawing shows more than five different fans. The details of these fans, including small decorations and patterns on the ribs, are realistically depicted. The names of the colors to be applied, including 'red ocher', 'red', 'ink', and 'blue', are written on most of the fans, while some are left empty or 'oil' is indicated on them. Ten fans have sketches of flowers, plants, and insects or historical figures. A comparison between these drawings and the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum has revealed that their size and proportion are identical. This shows that the Rothenbaum Museum painting follows the directions set forth in the original drawings. The fans on the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum are painted with images on diverse themes, including landscapes, narrative figures, birds and flowers, birds and animals, plants and insects, and fish and crabs. In particular, flowers and butterflies and fish and crabs were popular themes favored by nineteenth century Joseon painters. It is noteworthy that the folding screen One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum includes several scenes recalling the typical painting style of Kim Hong-do, unlike other folding screens of One Hundred Fans or Various Paintings and Calligraphy. As a case in point, the theme of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" is depicted in the Rothenbaum folding screen even though it is not commonly included in folding screens of One Hundred Fans or One Hundred Paintings due to spatial limitations. The scene of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" in the Rothenbaum folding screen bears a resemblance to Kim Hong-do's folding screen of Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden at the National Museum of Korea in terms of its composition and style. Moreover, a few scenes on the Rothenbaum folding screen are similar to examples in the Painting Album of Byeongjin Year produced by Kim Hong-do in 1796. The painter who drew the fan paintings on the Rothenbaum folding screen is presumed to have been influenced by Kim Hong-do since the fan paintings of a landscape similar to Sainsam Rock, an Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden, and a Pair of Pheasants are all reminiscent of Kim's style. These paintings in the style of Kim Hong-do are reproduced on the fans left empty in the original drawings. The figure who produced both the original drawings and fan paintings appears to have been a professional painter influenced by Kim Hong-do. He might have appreciated Kim's Painting Album of Byeongjin Year or created duplicates of Painting Album of Byeongjin Year for circulation in the art market. We have so far identified about ten folding screens remaining with the One Hundred Fans. The composition of these folding screens are similar each other except for a slight difference in the number and proportion of the fans or reversed left and right sides of the fans. Such uniform composition can be also found in the paintings of scholar's accoutrements in the nineteenth century. This suggests that the increasing demand for calligraphy and painting in the nineteenth century led to the application of manuals for the mass production of decorative paintings. As the demand for colorful decorative folding screens with intricate designs increased from the nineteenth century, original drawings began to be used as models for producing various paintings. These were fully utilized when making large-scale folding screens with images such as Guo Ziyi's Enjoyment-of-Life Banquet, Banquet of the Queen Mother of the West, One Hundred Children, and the Sun, Cranes and Heavenly Peaches, all of which entailed complicated patterns. In fact, several designs repeatedly emerge in the extant folding screens, suggesting the use of original drawings as models. A tendency toward using original drawings as models for producing folding screens in large quantities in accordance with market demand is reflected in the production of the folding screens of One Hundred Fans filled with fans in different shapes and fan paintings on diverse themes. In the case of the folding screens of One Hundred Paintings, bordering frames are drawn first and then various paintings are executed inside the frames. In folding screens of One Hundred Fans, however, fans in diverse forms were drawn first. Accordingly, it must have been difficult to produce them in bulk. Existing examples are relatively fewer than other folding screens. As discussed above, the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum and its original drawings at the National Museum of Korea aptly demonstrate the late Joseon painting trend of embracing and employing new painting styles. Further in-depth research into the Rothenbaum painting is required in that it is a rare example exhibiting the influence of Kim Hong-do compared to other paintings on the theme of One Hundred Fans whose composition and painting style are more similar to those found in the work of Bak Gi-jun.

Agronomical studies on the major environmental factors of rice culture in Korea (수도재배의 주요환경요인에 관한 해석적 조사연구)

  • Yung-Sup Kim
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.3
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    • pp.49-82
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    • 1965
  • For the stable and high yields of low-land rice in Korea, the characteristics of rice plant for the vegetative and physiological responses, plant type formation, and yield components have been studied in order to obtain the fundamental data for the improvement of cultural practices, especially for the ideal fertilizer application. Furthermore the environmental conditions in Korea including temperatures, light, precipitation, and soil conditions have been compared in the broad sense with those in Japan, and the application of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicate and other micro-nutrients were described in relation to the characteristics of environmental conditions for the improvement of fertilizer application. 1. The average yield of polished-rice per 10 are in Korea is about 204 kg and this values are much less than those in Japan and Taiwan where they produce 77% to 13% more than in Korea. The rate of yield increase a year in Korea is 4.2 kg, but in Japan and Taiwan the rates of yield increase a year are 81 % and 62%, respectively. It was also found that the coefficient of variation of yield is 7.7% in Korea, 6.7% in Japan and 2.5% in Taiwan. This means that the stability of producing rice in Korea is very low when compared with those in Japan and Taiwan. 2. It was learned from the results obtained from the 'annual yield estimation experiment' that there are big differences in the respect of plant type formations between rice crops grown in Japan and Korea. The important differences found were as follows: (1) The numbers of spikelets per 3.3 square meters are 891 in Korea and 1, 007 in Japan(13% more than in Korea). (2) The numbers of tillers per 3.3 square meters at the stage of maximum tillering are 1, 150 in Korea, but in Japan they showed 19% more than in Korea. (3) The ratio of effective tillers to total tillers is 77.5% in Korea and 74.7% in Japan, which seems to be higher in Korea than in Japan. But the ratio in Korea is very low when considered the numbers of total tillers in both countries. (4) The ratio of grain to straw is 85.4% in Korea and 96.3% in Japan. 3. The average temperatures during the growing season at the area of Suwon, Kwangjoo and Taegu are almost same as those in the district of Jookokoo(Fookoo yama) in Japan, i.e., the temperatures during the rice-growing season in Korea are similar to those in the southern-warm regions of Japan. 4. Considering the minimum temperatures at the stage of limiting transplanting, 13$^{\circ}C$, the time of transplanting might be 30 to 40 days earlier than presently practicing transplanting time, which comes around June 10. 5. The temperatures during the vegetative growth in Korea were higher than those temperatures that needed in the protein synthesis which ate the main metabolism during this stage. However, the temperatures at the time of reproductive growth was lower than the temperatures that needed in the sugar assimilation which is main metabolism in this stage. In this point of view, it might be considered that the proper time of growing rice plant in Korea would be rather earlier. 6. The temperatures and the day light conditions at the time of first tillering stage of rice plant, when planted as presenting transplanting practices, are very satisfactory, but the poor day light length, high temperatures and too wet conditions in the time of last-tillering stage(mid or last July) might cause the occurrence of disease such as blast. 7. The heading stage of rice plants at each region through nations when planted as presently practicing method comes when the day light length is short. 8. It was shown that the accumulated average air-temperature at the time of maturing stage was not enough and the heading time was too late, when considered the annual deviations of mean temperatures and low minimum temperatures. 9. The nitrogen content of each plant part at the each growing stage was very high at the stage of vegetative growth when compared with the nitrogen content at the stage of reproductive growth after heading. In this respect it was believed to be important to prevent the nutrient shortages at the reproductive stages, especially after the heading. 10. The area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and natural rain-fed paddy fields are getting reduced in Korea. The correlation between the rate of reducing unsatisfactory irrigation and natural rain-fed paddy fields and the rate of yield increase were computed. The correlation coefficients(r) between the area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and yield increase were +0.525, and between the natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.832 and between the unsatisfactory irrigation plus natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.84. And there were. highly significant positive correlations between natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increases indicating that the less the area of natural rain-fed paddy fields, the greater the yields per unit area. 11. The results obtained from the fertilizer experiments (yield performance trials) conducted in both Korea and Japan showed that the yield of non-fertilized plots per 10 are was 231 kg in Korea and 360 kg in Japan. On the basis of this it might be concluded that the fertility of soil in Korea is lower than that in Japan. Furthermore it was. also found that the yields of non-nitrogen applied plots per 10 are were 236 kg in Korea and 383 kg in Japan. This also indicates that the yields of rice in Korea are largely depending on the nitrogen content in the soil. 12. The followings were obtained when the chemical natures of soils in both Korea and Japan were compared. (1) The content of organic matter, total nitrogen, exchangeable calcium, and magnesium in Korea were no more than the half those in Japan. (2) The content of N/2 chloride and soluble silicate in low-land soil were on the average lower in Korea. (3) The exchange capacity of bases in Korea was no more than half that in Japan. 13. It was also observed by comparing the soil nature of the soil with high yielding capacity with the soil with low yielding capacity that the exchange capacity of bases, exchangeable calcium and magnesium, potassium, phosphorus, manganese, silicate and iron were low in the soil with low yielding capacity. 14. The depth of furrow slice was always deeper in the soil with high yielding capacity, and the depth of furrow slice in Korea was also shallower than that in Japan. 15. Summarizing the various conditions mentioned previously and considering the effects of silicate and trace elements such as manganese and iron besides three elements on the physiological and plant type formation of rice crops, more realistic and more ideal fertilizing practices were proposed. proposed.

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Situation of Fertilizer Industry in Korea (비료산업(肥料産業)의 현황(現況)과 문제점(問題点))

  • Lee, Yun Hwan
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.34-48
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    • 1982
  • 1. Production and consumption of chemical fertilizers in Korea could be divided into five different phases of total imports, setting up fertilizer plants, self-sufficiency in production, net export, and diversification in compound fertilizers. Currently the nation has production capacity of 800 thousand M/T of nitrogen, 400 thousand M/T of phosphate ($P_2O_5$) and 200 thousand M/T of potash ($K_2O$). 2. Yearly consumption increased every year, since 1964, 28,000 M/T N, 7,700 M/T $P_2O_5$, and 7,500 M/T $K_2O$ until 1972, when the increase jumped by eight times for $P_2O_5$ and seven times for $K_2O$ for the following 3 years in anticipation of their short supply. Now total consumption has been more or less stabilized at the level of 450 thousand M/T N, 220 thousand M/T $P_2O_5$ and 180 thousand M/T $K_2O$ for the last 7 years. 3. Current operation rate of fertilizer plants is around 80% throughout the whole industry, after going through several different levels depending on demand at times. 4. Fertilizer export started in 1967 and reached a peak of 150 thousand nutrient ton in 1972, about 20% of total production, before temporarily stopping due to over-demand for next three years. The export resumed again in 1976 rise to the all time high of 670 thousand nutrient ton in 1980, almost half of total production, and then started to decline due to higher price of petroleum since then. 5. The decline in fertilizer export appears to be accelerated because several countries, in South-Eastern Asia, traditional export market for Korean fertilizers, started to build their own plants, since 1980, based on their raw materials of especially petroleum. 6. Current consumption in Korea is about 30 nutrient Kg per 10a, equivalent to that in Western European countries, partly due to new high-yielding rice varieties and extensive cultivation of fruit trees and vegetables. Additional fertilizer demand in future can be anticipated in reclaimed land for growing grass and forestry.

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The First North Korean Painting in the Collection of the National Museum of Korea: Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain by Seon-u Yeong (국립중앙박물관 소장 산률(山律) 선우영(鮮于英) 필(筆) <금강산 묘길상도>)

  • Yi, Song-mi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.87-104
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    • 2020
  • Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

Response of Potassium on Main Upland Crops (주요(主要) 전작물(田作物)에 대(對)한 가리성분(加里成分)의 비교(肥效))

  • Ryn, In Soo
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.171-188
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    • 1977
  • The response and effect on main upland crops to potassium were discussed and summarized as follows. 1. Adequate average amounts of potash per 10a were 32kg for forage crop; 22.5kg for vegetable crops; 17.3kg for fruit trees; 13.3kg for potatoes; and 6.5kg for cereal crops. Demand of potassium fertilizer in the future will be increased by expanding the acreage of forage crops, vegetable crops and fruit trees. 2. On the average, optimum potash rates on barley, wheat, soybean, corn, white potato and sweet potato were 6.5, 6.9, 4.5, 8.1, 8.9, and 17.7kg per 10a respectively. Yield increaments per 1kg of potash per 10a were 4-5kgs on the average for cereal crops, 68kg for white potato, and 24kg for sweet potato. 3. According to the soil testing data, the exchangeable potassium in the coastal area was higher than that in the inland area and medium in the mountainous area. The exchangeable potassium per province in decreasing order is Jeju>Jeonnam>Kangweon>Kyongnam. Barley : 4. The response of barley to an adequate rate of potassium seemed to be affected more by differences in climatic conditions than to the nature of the soil. 5. The response and the adequate rate of potassium in the southern area, where the temperature is higher, were low because of more release of potassium from the soil. However, the adequate rate of phosphorus was increased due to the fixation of applied phosphorus into the soil in high temperature regions. The more nitrogen application would be required in the southern area due to its high precipitation. 6. The average response of barley to potassium was lower in the southern provinces than northern provinces. Kyongsangpukdo, a southern province, showed a relatively higher response because of the low exchangeable potassium content in the soil and the low-temperature environment in most of cultivation area. 7. Large annual variations in the response to and adequate rates of potassium on barley were noticed. In a cold year, the response of barley to potassium was 2 to 3 times higher than in a normal year. And in the year affected by moisture and drought damage, the responses to potassium was low but adequate rates was higher than cold year. 8. The content of exchangeable potassium in the soil parent materials, in increasing order was Crystalline Schist, Granite, Sedimentary and Basalt. The response of barley to potash occurred in the opposite order with the smallest response being in Crystalline Schist soil. There was a negative correlation between the response and exchangeable potassium contents but there was nearly no difference in the adequate rates of potassium. 9. Exchangeable potassium according to the mode of soil deposition was Alluvium>Residium>Old alluvium>Valley alluvium. The highest response to potash was obtained in Valley alluvium while the other s showed only small differences in responses. 10. Response and adequate rates of potassium seemed to be affected greatly by differences in soil texture. The response to potassium was higher in Sandy loam and Loam soils but the optimum rate of potassium was higher in Clay and Clay loam. Especially when excess amount of potassium was applied in Sandy loam and Loam soils the yield was decreased. 11. The application of potassium retarded the heading date by 1.7 days and increased the length of culm. the number of spikelet per plant, the 1,000 grain weight and the ratio of grain weight to straw. Soybean : 12. Average response of soybean to potassium was the lowest among other cereal crops but 28kg of grain yield was incrased by applying potash at 8kg/10a in newly reclaimed soils. 13. The response in the parent materials soil was in the order of Basalt (Jeju)>Sedimentay>Granite>Lime stone but this response has very wide variations year to year. Corn : 14. The response of corn to potassium decreased in soils where the exchangeable potassium content was high. However, the optimum rate of applied potassium was increased as the soil potassium content was increased because corn production is proportional to the content of soil potassium. 15. An interaction between the response to potassium and the level of phosphorus was noted. A higher response to potassium and higher rates of applied potassium was observed in soils contained optimum level of phosphorus. Potatoes : 16. White potato had a higher requirement for nitrogen than for potassium, which may imply that potato seems to have a higher capability of soil potassium uptake. 17. The yield of white potato was higher in Sandy loam than in Clay loam soil. Potato yields were also higher in soils where the exchangeable potassium content was high even in the same soil texture. However, the response to applied potassium was higher in Clay loam soils than in Sandy loam soils and in paddy soil than in upland soil. 18. The requirement for nitrogen and phosphorus by sweet potato was relatively low. The sweet potato yield is relatively high even under unfavorable soil conditions. A characteristics of sweet potatoes is to require higher level of potassium and to show significant responses to potassium. 19. The response of sweet potato to potassium varied according to soil texture. Higher yields were obtained in Sandy soil, which has a low exchangeable potassium content, by applying sufficient potassium. 20. When the optimum rate of potassium was applied, the yields of sweet potato in newly reclaimed soil were comparable to that in older upland soils.

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