• Title/Summary/Keyword: 중화사상

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An origin and development, the thought and understanding of actual world of Noron (노론의 연원과 전개, 철학사상과 현실인식)

  • Kim, Moon Joon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.79-112
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    • 2011
  • Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

A Comparative Study on the Design Element in Traditional Palaces Korea, China and Japan (한 중 일 의장 문화 비교 연구 - 궁궐전출을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun-Jung;Park, Young-Soon;Choi, Ji-Young;Hwang, Jung-Ah
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.18 no.4 s.62
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    • pp.277-286
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this study is to ascertain the design element in traditional palaces of Korea, China and Japan. It takes threesteps to proceed this study. Firstly, it needs to be established the analysis framework from the documents. In second step, the design elements - the form, the material, the pattern and the color - should be collected and investigated through the observation of the actual traditional palaces the Changduckung, the Forbidden City, the Nijo castle. The third step is the analysis of the results of the investigation of the design elements from step two. To sum up similarities and dissimilarities among the design element in traditional palaces of Korea, China and Japan is as the following It is to be noticed that the mainly common characteristics of the artistic design are 'naturalism', 'harmonious ideas' and 'confucianism'. But the representation style of the design element is differed from the country. : The typical features of China are symmetry, glassy surface by artificial process, the meandered curve, the magnificent pattern and the constrable color. In Japan, the mathematical asymmetry, made-up rough surface by artificial skill, decorativepattern with abbreviation and achromatic color are important feature of the design element. While the major features of Korean design element are asymmetrical balance with nature, rough surface by natural process, moderate pattern and harmonious color.

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Experimental Atudy on Anti-obesity Effect According to Inhibitory Effect against Lipase Activity of Sasang Constitution Medicines (사상체질별 약물의 lipase 저해활성을 통한 항비만효능에 관한 실험적 연구)

  • Kim, Jung-Hwa;Kim, Jong-Won
    • Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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    • v.19 no.3
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    • pp.710-715
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    • 2005
  • This research was to investigate inhibitory activity of Sasang medicines on Obesity. 56 kind of herb medicines to powder, abstract add 100 times methanol. Examine inhibitory effect against lipase activity in vitro. It was compared Xenical(Orlistat) with 56 kind of herb medicines. Inhibitory effect against lipase activity of Xenical as a standard was 93.3%. It is Inhibitory effect against lipase activity of Taeyangin herb medicine. (Fructus Pruni Tomentosae 77.7% Cortex Acanthopanacis73.5%, Fructus Chaenomelis73.1%, rice bran on a mallet head68.1%, Semen Fagopyri 48.1%, Radix Vitis 31.5%) It is Inhibitory effect against lipase activity of Soyangin herb medicine. (Radix Saposhnikoviae 91.5%, Semen Plantaginis 90.4%, Semen Trichosanthis 89.2%, Herba Schizonepetae 85.7%, Radix Euphorbiae Kansui 76.1%, Rhizoma Anemarrhenae 76.0%, Cortex Phellodendri 75.1%, Herba Menthae 74.8%, Radix Angelicae Pubescentis 61.2%, Rhizoma Alismatis 62.6%, Poria 60.9%, Rhizoma Notopterygii 22.5%, Radix Peucedani 18.2%, Caulis Akebiae 17.7%) It is Inhibitory effect against lipase activity of Taeeumin herb medicine. (Herba Spirodelae 91.4%, Radix Polygalae 88.3%, Arillus Longanae 84.3%, Radix Platycodi 81.7%, Semen Zizyphi Spinosae 80.2%, Spina Gleditsiae 79.7%, Herba Ephedrae 75.3%, Semen Raphani 73.1%, Rhizoma Cimicifugae 73.0%, Rhizoma Acori Graminei 71.8%, Flos Chrysanthemi71.0%, Radix et Rhizoma Rhei 68.4%, Vermiculus Holotrichia 59.9%, Radix Puerariae 55.3%, Fructus Schizandrae 53.4% Semen Coicis 50.6%, Semen Biotae 47.5%, Semen Nelumbinis 46.7%, Radix Angelicae Dahuricae 45.1%, Semen Castaneae 44.4%, Rhizoma Ligustici 34.5%, Tuber Liriopis 16.4%, Radix Scutellariae4.2%) It is Inhibitory effect against lipase activity of Soeumin herb medicine. (Pericarpium Arecae89.9%, Rhizoma Alpiniae Officinarum 89.5%, Radix Polygoni Multiflori81.2%, Rhizoma Cyperi 79.0%, Cortex Magnoliae 72.8%, Radix Aucklandiae 72.0%, Rhizoma Zingiberis 71.9%, Pericarpium Citri Reticulatae Viride 71.3%, Radix Cynanchi Wilfordi 57.7% Rhizoma Pinelliae 36.7%, Fructus Alpiniae Oxyphyllae 35.8% Fructus Aurantii Immaturus 17.5%, Pericarpium Citri 16.1%) Therefore, Radix Saposhnikoviae(91.5) and Herba Spirodelae(91.4%) were the most effective medicice of 56 kind of medicines.

고추(번초(番椒), 고초(苦椒))의 어원(語源)연구

  • Kim, Jong-Deok;Go, Byeong-Hui
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.147-167
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    • 1999
  • 1. 연구 목적 한국의학사(韓國醫學史)의 한 분야인 식품사(食品史) 및 약물사(藥物史)는 미개척분야라 해도 과언은 아닐 정도로 연구 업적이 부족하다. 특히 식물명칭에 대한 정리는 기초학문이지만 방치되어진 것도 부인할 수 없다. 따라서 본고는 식품문화사(食品文化史)를 정리하는 과정중의 일환으로 고추의 어원(語源)을 중심으로 살펴보고자 한다. 이는 식품사(食品史) 연구에 도움이 되는 동시에 체질식이요법을 강조하는 사상의학(四象醫學)의 식품 분류에 대한 학술적 근거를 제시하는 계기로 삼고자 한다. 1493년 콜럼버스에 의해 알려진 고추는 우리 나라에 들어와 천초(川椒)대신 사용됨으로서 현재 중요한 양념이 되었다. 이에 고추의 도입과정과 호칭변화를 살펴봄으로서 현재 사전류에서 잘못 서술되고 있는 것을 시정하고, 고추가 도입된 이래 우리가 어떻게 이해하고 응용하였는 지에 대하여 문헌고찰을 통하여 의학사적(醫學史的) 입장으로 정리하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 2. 연구 방법 "산림경제(山林經濟)"(1715), "임원경제지(林園經濟志)"(1827)같은 농서(農書), "물명고(物名考)"(1830), "오주연문장전산고(五洲衍文長箋散稿)"(1850) 같은 유서(類書), "훈몽자회(訓蒙字會)"(1527), "신증유합(新增類合)"(1574)같은 사전류, "지봉유설(芝峰類說)"(1614), "성호사설(星湖僿說)"(1763)같은 문집류, "흠정수시통고(欽定授時通考)"(1737), "본초강목습유(本草綱目拾遺)"(1765)같은 중국본초서(中國本草書) 등과 국내의서 등 을 통하여 고추에 대한 문헌정리를 시도하였다. 3. 연구 결과 고추가 도입된 이래 남만초(南蠻椒), 남초(南椒), 번초(番椒), 왜초(倭椒), 왜고초(倭苦椒), 왜개자(倭芥子), 고초(苦椒), 랄가(辣茄), 고쵸, 등으로 표기되어 왔다. 하지만 고추가 도입되기 전에 출간된 "구급간이방(救急簡易方)"(1489)에 '초(椒) 고쵸, 죠피'라는 기록이 나온다. 이는 천초(川椒)(초피나무)를 의미하는 '고쵸'로 보아야 한다. 후에 고추가 도입됨에 따라 의미가 변하여 고추를 의미하게 되는데 이를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 현존하는 문헌 중 고추에 대한 최고기록인 "지봉유설(芝峰類說)"(1614)에 근거하여 고추(남만초(南蠻椒))는 임진왜란때 일본에서 도입되었다는 것이 정설이었다. 하지만 임진왜란 이전에 일본을 통하여 고추가 도입되었고 이의 개량종을 오히려 임진왜란때 일본으로 전해주었을 가능성이 높다. 둘째, 현재 대부분의 사전류에서 "훈몽자회(訓蒙字會)"(1527)의 '고쵸 쵸(초(椒))'를 고추에 대한 최초의 어원으로 보고 있으나 이는 잘못된 것이다. "훈몽자회(訓蒙字會)"의 '고쵸(초(椒))'는 고추가 아닌 매운 열매의 총칭으로 호초(胡椒), 천초(川椒), 진초(秦椒)를 의미한다. 이는 "구급간이방(救急簡易方)"(1489)의 천초(川椒)를 의미하는 '초(椒) 고쵸'에서도 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 현재 대부분의 사전류에서 고추의 한문표기가 고초(苦草)로 되어 있으나 고초(苦椒)로 정정되어져야 한다. 초(草)(상성(上聲))와 초(椒)(평성(平聲))는 발음은 같지만 성조(聲調)가 다르며, 또한 "본사(本史)"(1787)에 고초(苦椒)와 고초(苦草)는 서로 다른 식물로 기록되어 있다. 넷째, 고초(苦椒)는 '고쵸'라는 우리말에 맞추어 만든 국자(國字)로 고추가 천초(川椒)와 비슷하지만 맵고 쓰다라는 뜻으로 사용된 것이다. 다섯째, 맵고 뜨거운 성질이 있는 고추는 냉증(冷症)을 유발시킬 수 있는 냉성(冷性)야채를 중화(中和)시키는 작용을 한다. 여섯째, 고추는 소음인 식품의 경향성을 띈 훈채류에 속한다.

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The East and West as others in us - The acceptance of Western civilization throughout East Asian history - (우리 안의 타자로서 동서양 - 동양의 서양문물 수용에 대한 고찰을 중심으로 -)

  • Kwon, Young-woo
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.137
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    • pp.33-56
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    • 2016
  • This article criticizes the dichotomous world view in which the East and the West are absolutely divided from each other and asserts that the East and the West should be understood as 'we' who ought to acknowledge each other not only as subjects but also reciprocally as 'others'. If the East is 'I', then the West is 'You' and vice versa and as such, the East differs from the West. Hence, supposing that they both regard themselves as subjects and if they realize that they can also be others against the other subject, they as different subjects should be understood as 'others in us'. Since the 19th Century the East has made efforts to learn and accept Western culture and thought. But it seems that the East has never regarded the West as an 'other in us', but rather as either an 'other outside of us' or as 'the real I that it should develop into'. This shows the self-contradictory perspective of the East. It can be thought that such an attitude was revealed as typical of the Far East in the 19th Century, in which the Opium War broke out and Sinocentrism collapsed. On the other hand, the West has never recognized the Eastasan 'other in us'. Nowadays we pursue the most actual value, that is, 'globalization'. In order to realize that value for the development of the whole human, it is necessary that both the East and West should first recognize each other as the 'other in us'.

Kobong(高峯)'s Philophy and the theory of Self-cultivation(修養) (고봉(高峯)의 성리학(性理學)과 수양론(修養論))

  • Kang, Heui Bok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.31
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    • pp.33-52
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    • 2011
  • This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

Ganjae's lecture activities in Mungyeong (간재(艮齋) 전우(田愚)의 문경(聞慶)에서의 강학활동)

  • Lim, Ok-kyun
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.52
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    • pp.131-155
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    • 2017
  • While the lecture activities in Simwonsa, Ganjae Jeon Wu(1841~1922) has established a "law of lecture activities" which was an ritual between a teacher and pupil, between the couple. Through this way he expected to recover the former ritual, even within their own school. In 1884 he built a "law of Sidong school", meaning to build a large object, elementary scholarship will serve as the rules of conduct, and argued that human nature mainly served to the core in the course of study. Ganjae in Mungyeong area was also discussing studies with Song Byeong-hwa(1852~1916) and received correspondence with scholars in areas related to Mungyeong. They were Kim Jae-kyung(1841~1926) and Park Se-hwa (1834~1910). Ganjae had also some big national events on the sojourn time in Mungyeong. In 1882 there were army incident, in 1884 there were a command of the government that people must pull on western clothes. Ganjae did not follow the command of the government. Someone asked "Can we not follow the command of the government?" Ganjae replied "We have a right to resist to the illegal command of the government. There were also 1884's Gapsin-coup, Ganjae saw that we must defend the country by rejecting foreign power and keeping our rituals. Given the above, the timing that Ganjae lectured in Mungyeong personally was a time that provided a clue to establish his core ideas. Nationally it was a time that must defend the country from foreign nations. Ganjae had faith that for keeping the country we must keep firmly our own rituals.

The Symbolism and Significance of the Dao Flag in Daesoon Jinrihoe (대순진리회 도기(道旗)의 상징과 의미)

  • Choi Chi-bong
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.43
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    • pp.103-137
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    • 2022
  • In religious symbology, an emblem is a symbolic mark, which differentiates a religion from other groups. In addition, it holds a symbolic or conceptual character that enables viewers to recognize a certain religion. Daesoon Jinrihoe, a representative order among Korean religious traditions, also has a symbolic mark; however, it has not been designated with an official name as symbol despite its usage dating back to May 11, 1978. At the time, that mark has served as an emblem. Afterwards, the emblem was printed and has been officially used as a flag (unofficially known as the Dao Flag, the Fellowship Flag, etc.) since October 20th of that same year. The emblem of Daesoon Jinrihoe which is not only printed in the flag but has been utilized as a symbolic mark representing the order. Nevertheless, it is hard to find research related to this symbol. Consequently, this study aims to apprehend the existing materials about the flag's emblem and its meaning, as well as attempt to interpret its various implications. Indeed, this work will suggest another point of view about the emblem given that it embraces ambiguity. This research suggests that the emblem symbolically depicts the Daesoon (Great Itineration), Samwon (三圓, Three Circles), Sadae (四大, Four Dae), and the Center, and that, all together, this can imply more profound meanings than were expressed in previously posited explanations. As such, this study draws further significance from Daesoon Thought and find: first, the circle in the center of the emblem signifies the pivot of Daesoon; not just the earthly circle (地圓) or the human circle (人圓). This opens up the possibility that the circle symbolizes Mugeuk (Limitlessness) and Taegeuk (Great Ultimate), which include the pivot of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Secondly, the symbol of soil (土) in the center is separated from the human circle and reveals the symbol of harmony and creation as the rod shape of Four Dae. Thirdly, the protuberances in the circle point to specific directions and this allows for additional layers of meaning.