• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.99-107
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• 2011

This study is aiming to acquire data for enhancing genuineness of restoration through reviewing external and internal scenery of Baegun-dong Wonlim such as Baegun-dong 8 Objects of Scenery(pines, bamboos, chrysanthemum, orchid, maehwa blossom, magnolia, fiddle and crane) and 12 Scenic Spots and reviewing internal and external scenery of Baegun-dong Wonlim such as views and scenery for plantation. For Baegun-dong 8 Young which sang songs about scenic spots of Baegun-dong Wonlim it seemed that its head words were formed through borrowing rhyming words from caption of Baegun-dong Yuseogi(白雲洞幽棲記). Accordingly it seemed these scenery secured its status of Wonlim from the beginning. Particularly the words of fiddle and crane in 琴棋書畵(Geumgisuhha) implied that playing Komungo and brushwriting were firmly rooted as romantic pursuits of classical scholars of that time. In consideration of distance upto Okpanbong which is one of 12 scenic spots of Baegun-dong radius of outer circumference is estimated to be around 1.6km. From Okgpanbong, the epicenter, Sandagyeong, Baegokmae, Hongokpok and Pungdan etc. correspond to transitional space. And inner scenery was formed with hub of thatched cottages and bowers surrounded with chrysanthemums, poenies, rhododendron, Phyllostachys bambusoides, pines and upper and lower water paths. Thus it seemed there was scenic structure of centrifugal nature as well as of multiplicity. Forms of majority of water paths with residual structure found in the country have streamlined forms on the other hand Baegun-dong water paths have straight line which almost dominate inner gardens in terms of scale and forms thus revealing its extraordinary idea and design. In order to promote genuine restoration of Baegun-dong Wonlim it will be necessary to have consideration from standpoint of managing perspective to assure presentation of gradual scenery with elements of scenic objects for outer view among 12 Scenic Spots.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.309-336
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• 2011

There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.431-459
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• 2012

The purpose of this article is to compare and analyze the conventional expression of Hangul Ganchal in Cheosun Dynasty and Email. Conventional expression is used remarkably in introductions and conclusions. In introduction, it is used for addressing and safety greetings while in conclusion, it is used for closing address and closing words. In Cheosun Dynasty, an envelope of Ganchal only included the details of the receiver because the letter was genuinely delivered by someone who knew the receiver and the sender very well. An envelope of Ganchal is applicable to the screen of the internet which is used for emailing. In an email, we see the name of the sender and the title of the text and once we click the title, we are able to view the text. The difference between the Ganchal and the email was reflected on how the receiver's detail showed on Ganchal and the email show the sender's details. In a case of addressing in a letter while using the conventional expression, we can see how we use "To~" in humble term and " ~께" in a honorific term. We confirmed that the conventional expression has not yet settled in both of the Gnachal and email for the seasonal greetings. The safety greetings comprised with both of the senders' and receivers' latest updates. In Ganchal, this composition is well described conventionally, whereas in emails, only the receivers' latest news are written but the senders' latest updates are hard to be seen throughout the text. In Ganchal's closing section, the closing address and closing words were expressed conventionally. However, in the case of email; those were again hard to be found throughout. To conclude, in Ganchal the conventional expression was developed and placed in 16thcentury(Sun-eon) when there was a focus in our native language. In 17thcentury(Hyeon-eon), it stood still for a sometime and moved on to 19thcentury(Jing-eon) when there was a strong in fluence of Hangul Ganchal, which resulted in regression to the conservative expression. In general, we are able to confirm that the conventional expression is slowly disappearing.

• The Journal of Korean Academy of Sensory Integration
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.69-82
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• 2021

Objective : This recent work intended to provide basic information for researchers and practitioners related to occupational therapy about Developmental Coordination Disorder (DCD) in South Korea. The previous research of screening DCD and the effects of intervention programs were reviewed. Methods : Peer-reviewed papers relating to DCD and published in Korea from January 1990 to December 2020 were systematically reviewed. The search terms "developmental coordination disorder," "development coordination," and "developmental coordination" were used to identify previous Korean research in this area from three representation database, the Research Information Sharing Service, Korean Studies Information Service System, and Google Scholar. We found a total of 4,878 articles identified through the three search engines and selected seventeen articles for analysis after removing those that corresponded to the overlapping or exclusion criteria. We adopted "the conceptual model" to analyze the selected articles about DCD assessment and intervention. Results : We found that twelve of the 17 studies showed the qualitative level of Level 2 using non-randomized approach between the two groups. The Movement Assessment Battery for Children and its second edition were the most frequently used tools in assessing children for DCD. Among the intervention studies, the eight articles (47%) were adopted a dynamic systems approach; a normative functional skill framework and cognitive neuroscience were each used in 18% of the pieces; and 11% of the articles were applied neurodevelopmental theory. Only one article was used a combination approach of normative functional skill and general abilities. These papers were mainly focused on the movement characteristics of children with DCD and the intervention effect of exercise or sports programs. Conclusion : Most of the reviewed studies investigated the movement characteristics of DCD or explore the effectiveness of particular intervention programs. In the future, it would be useful to investigate the feasibility of different assessment tools and to establish the effectiveness of various interventions used in rehabilitation for better motor performance in children with DCD.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.139-177
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• 2022

The only text that aids in the understanding of Songs of the Dao of Great Gods (大化神道歌詞), which was established by Yun Jin in 1984, is Mok-wun daegyeong (木運大經, The Great Scripture of Wood-Destiny) published by Oh Yeol-gyun in 1976. This scripture includes five songs: Wun-hoe dongbang-ga (運回東方歌, Songs of Destiny-Returning to the East), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌, Songs of Gung-eul), Dodeok-sa (道德詞, Morality Poems), Palguae-gugung byeon-yeok-ga (八卦九宮變易歌, Songs on the Changes of the Eight Trigrams and Nine Palaces), and Nakdang-ga (樂堂歌, Songs of the Paradisiacal Lands). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, which is prone to embracing Daoist characteristics, is meant to be sung upon the realization of the Later World, the ideal earth. This is expressed as spring. In addition, we can easily find key terms such as Sampung-ga (三豊歌), Yangbaek-segye (兩白世界), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌), Gunggung-euleul (弓弓乙乙), Yanggung (兩弓), Euleul (乙乙), Gung-eul seonin (弓乙仙人), Samin-ilseok (三人一夕), Yijae-jeonjeon (利在田田), Gung-eul jiri (弓乙之理), Naenggeum-bugeum (冷金浮金), Seokjeong-gon (石井昆), Yangbaek (兩白), Sampung (三豊), and Sodumujok (小頭無足), all of which appear frequently in traditional prophecies and the faiths they have inspired. The precise meaning of these terms has yet to be revealed. Furthermore, Songs of the Dao of Great Gods contains lyrics prophesying that the return of the wood-destiny of the East and emphasizing the destiny of 3-8 wood as based on the Yellow River Chart (河圖). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, originated the term, the World of Paradisiacal Lands (樂堂世界), and prophesyed that the wood-destiny of the East would return to create a new world that took Korea as its center. The text emphasized wood-destiny, symbolized by spring, and argued that the Dao of Great Gods could be ascetained from the principle of water-producing wood (水生木) found in the Eastern study of changes (易學) as approached by Choi Su-Wun (水雲), the founder of Donghak (東學).

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.