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Methodologies for Enhancing Immersiveness in AR-based Product Design (증강현실 기반 제품 디자인의 몰입감 향상 기법)

  • Ha, Tae-Jin;Kim, Yeong-Mi;Ryu, Je-Ha;Woo, Woon-Tack
    • Journal of the Institute of Electronics Engineers of Korea CI
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    • v.44 no.2 s.314
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    • pp.37-46
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    • 2007
  • In this paper, we propose technologies for enhancing the immersive realization of virtual objects in AR-based product design. Generally, multimodal senses such as visual/auditory/tactile feedback are well known as a method for enhancing the immersion in case of interaction with virtual objects. By adapting tangible objects we can provide touch sensation to users. A 3D model of the same scale overlays the whole area of the tangible object so the marker area is invisible. This contributes to enhancing immersion. Also, the hand occlusion problem when the virtual objects overlay the user's hands is partially solved, providing more immersive and natural images to users. Finally, multimodal feedback also creates better immersion. In our work, both vibrotactile feedback through page motors, pneumatic tactile feedback, and sound feedback are considered. In our scenario, a game-phone model is selected, by way of proposed augmented vibrotactile feedback, hands occlusion-reduced visual effects and sound feedback are provided to users. These proposed methodologies will contribute to a better immersive realization of the conventional AR system.

Modern Enterprise & ESG Management philosophy of Gaeseong Ginseng Merchant (개성 인삼상인의 근대기업화와 ESG 경영이념)

  • Ock, Soon Jong
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.3
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    • pp.90-118
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    • 2021
  • Gaeseong fostered the conditions necessary for modern capitalism, as huge capital was accumulated through the cultivation and trade of ginseng, which were activities that flourished in the 18th century. During the Japanese colonial era, ginseng merchants were not simply limited to acquiring landowner capital from ginseng trade but actively converted such resource to productive and financial capital, thereby becoming modern entrepreneurs. Ginseng merchants led the joint management and investment of Gaeseong Electric Co., Ltd., Daehan Cheonil Bank, Gaeseong Brewing Co., Ltd., and Songgo Textile Company, founded in the early 20th century. They pursued corporate profits and, as leading individuals of society, spearheaded regional development by supporting educational and cultural projects in Gaeseong. These projects included the establishment of the Gaeseong Commercial School, the publication of Goryeo Times, and the operation of the Gaeseong Jwa Theater. Although liberal economics prioritized shareholder interest, the 21st century witnessed an emphasis on social responsibility among stakeholders asthe major purpose of enterprises. A trend that emerged was ESG (environment, social, governance) management, in which non-financial factors are valued more highly than financial performance. A successful business, which was denoted only by high profits in the past, is now defined by whether a company fulfills its social responsibility. In the early 20th century, the corporate activities of ginseng merchants in Gaeseong reflected entrepreneurship and stakeholder-centered ESG management, which later emerged as essential elements of modern business management. The modern management philosophy ahead of its times stemmed from the regionality of Gaeseong. The political discrimination against Gaeseong residents in the Joseon Dynasty precluded them from becoming government officers, and under a strict social hierarchy, yangban ("noblemen"), the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty, were forced to serve as merchants. Son Bong-sang and Kong Seong-hak, aside from being representative ginseng merchants, were both Confucian scholars and writers. The second and third generations of ginseng merchant families who had received higher education abroad returned to Gaeseong to carry on with their family businesses, then established modern companies with capital accrued from the ginseng industry. An analysis of the commercial activities of ginseng merchants in the early 20th century confirmed that these individuals were pioneering entrepreneurs who adopted the ESG management philosophy. In ginseng merchants, one sees a dimension of capitalism with a human face, as with ginseng thatsaves human life.

Research on the Measures and Driving Force behind the Three Major Works of Daesoon Jinrihoe in North Korea in Case of the Respective Types of Unification on the Korean Peninsula (한반도 통일 유형별 북한지역의 대순진리회 3대 중요사업 추진 여건과 방안 연구)

  • Park, Young-taek
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.39
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    • pp.137-174
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    • 2021
  • The main theme of this paper centers on how to promote Three Major Works of Daesoon Jinrihoe, charity aid, social welfare, and education projects, during the unification period. Determining the best methods of promotion is crucial because the Three Major Works must be carried out after unification, and the works must remain based on the practice of the philosophy of Haewon-sangsaeng (the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence). The idea of Haewon-sangsaeng is in line with the preface of the U.N. Charter and the aim of world peace. North Korean residents are suffering from starvation under their devastated economy, which is certain to face a crisis of materialistic deficiency during reunification. In this study, the peaceful unification of Germany, unification under a period of sudden changes in Yemen, and the militarized unification of Vietnam were taken as case studies to diagnose and analyze the conditions which would affect the implementation of the Three Major Works. These three styles of unification commonly required a considerable budget and other forms of support to carry out the Three Major Works. Especially if unification were to occur after a period of sudden changes, this would require solutions to issues of food, shelter, and medical support due to the loss of numerous lives and the destruction of infrastructure. On the other hand, the UNHCR model was analyzed to determine the implications of expanding mental well prepared and sufficiently qualified professionals, reorganizing standard organizations within complex situations, task direction, preparing sufficient relief goods, budgeting, securing bases in border areas with North Korea, and establishing networks for sponsorship. Based on this, eight detailed tasks in the field of system construction could be used by the operators of the Three Major Works to prepare for unification. Additionally, nine tasks for review were presented in consideration of the timing of unification and the current situation between South and North Korea. In conclusion, in the event of unification, the Three Major Works should not be neglected during the transition period. The manual "Three Major Works during the Unification Period" should include strategic points on organizational formation and mission implementation, forward base and base operation, security and logistics preparation, public relations and external cooperation, safety measures, and transportation and contact systems.

Lung Uptake of $^{99m}Tc-sestamibi$ during Routine Gated Exercise SPECT Imaging : Comparison with Left Ventricular Ejection Fraction and Severity of Perfusion Defect (일상적인 운동 부하 게이트 심근 관류 SPECT에서 $^{99m}Tc-sestamibi$ 폐섭취 : 좌심실 구혈률과 관류 결손 정도와의 비교)

  • Jeong, Shin-Young;Lee, Jae-Tae;Bae, Jin-Ho;Ahn, Byeong-Cheol;Lee, Kyu-Bo
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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    • v.37 no.2
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    • pp.83-93
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    • 2003
  • Background: Lung-to-heart uptake ratio (LHR) in $^{201}Tl-chloride$ myocardial perfusion scan is believed to be a reliable marker for left ventricular (LV) dysfunction, but the clinical value of LHR is controversial for $^{99m}Tc-MIBI$ imaging. Furthermore, most of results suggesting lung uptake of $^{99m}Tc-MIBI$ as a potential marker for LV dysfunction used immediate post-stress images, instead of routine images acquired 1 hour after tracer injection. The goal of our study was to investigate whether LHR evaluated with routine gated $^{99m}Tc-MIBI$ imaging can reflect the degree of perfusion defect or left ventricular performance. Subjects and Methods: 241 patients underwent exercise $^{99m}Tc-MIBI$ myocardial SPECT were classified into normal myocardial perfusion (NP, n=135) and abnormal myocardial perfusion (AP, n=106) group according to the presence of perfusion defect. LHR was calculated from anterior projection image taken at 1-hour after injection. Two legions of interest (ROIs) were placed on left lung above LV and on myocardium showing the highest radioactivity. Subjects were classified by left ventricular ejection fraction (LVEF), as Gr-I: >50%, Gr-II: 36-50%, Gr-III: <36% and by summed stress score (SSS), as Gr-A: <4, Gr-B: 4-8, Gr-C: 9-13, Gr-D: >13, LHR was compared among these groups. Results: In NP group(n=135), LHR, were higher in men than women ($men:\;0.311{\pm}0.03,\;women:\;0.296{\pm}0.03,\;p<0.05$). Significant difference, in LHR were found between NP and AP groups both for men and women ($men:\;0.311{\pm}0.03\;vs\;.\;0.331{\pm}0.06,\;women:\;0.296{\pm}0.03\;vs.\;0.321{\pm}0.07.\;p<0.05$). There were weak negative correlation between LHR and LVEF (r=-0.342, p<0.05) and weak positive correlation between LHR and SSS (r=0.478, p<0.05) in men, but not in women (LVEF: r=-0.279, p=0.100, SSS: r=0.276, p=0.103). Increased LHR was defined when for more than mean + 2SD value ($men{\geq}0.38,\;women{\geq}0.37$) of the LHR of the subject with normal perfusion. Increased LHR were observed more frequently in subjects with lower LVEF (Gr-I: 11.1%, Gr-II: 27.0%, Gr-III: 35.4%, p<0.05) and higher SSS(Gr-A: 14.0%, Gr-B: 5.7%, Gr-C: 18.2%, Gr-D: 40.7%, p<0.05). Conclusions: LHRs obtained from routine $^{99m}Tc-MIBI$ gated SPECT images were weakly correlated with LVEF and perfusion defect. Although significant overlaps were observed between normal and abnormal perfusion group, LHRs could be used as an indirect marker of severe perfusion defect or reduced left ventricular function.

A Brief Review of Backgrounds behind "Multi-Purpose Performance Halls" in South Korea (우리나라 다목적 공연장의 탄생배경에 관한 소고)

  • Kim, Kyoung-A
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.41
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    • pp.5-38
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    • 2020
  • The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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