• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.575-582
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• 2020

We proposes a method to estimate political preference of users who write comments on internet news. We collected and analyzed a massive amount of new comment data from internet news to extract features that effectively characterizes political preference of users. We expect that it helps user to obtain unbiased information from internet news and online discussion by providing estimated political stance of news comment writer. Through comprehensive tests we prove the effectiveness of two proposed methods, lexicon-based algorithm and similarity-based algorithm.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.201-238
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• 2012

This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

• Proceedings of the Korean Aquaculture Society Conference
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• 2006.05a
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• pp.49-50
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• 2006

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.139-175
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• 2014

For the past 20 years, expert groups and citizens in Korea have debated on the usefulness of personalized medicine. These debates were mainly focussed on the possibility of the promise - people mainly discussed whether it was a probable future or if it was just a hype. Following Hedgecoe and Tutton(2002) who argue that it is only a 'rhetorial device', we will analyze about 9,000 news media coverages that deal with personalized medicine. With these data, we will show that the same terminology of personalized medicine have been used very differently according to the time and people who use it. Our research will show that this term has both diachronic heterogeneity and synchronic equivocality. This has happened because of the innate lack that exists in our symbolic system. Policy and governance regarding new technology is important because they provide quilting point to those slippery term/signifiant. Also we would like to carefully suggest that we might be able to call this phenomena as signifiant-politics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.109-134
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• 2009

This study explores the political parody, which has become an active art form in order to express Korean Internet users' political practices, especially, during the politically turbulent periods from the presidential election of 2003 to the recent candlelight vigil protest of 2008. This study investigates the rise and fall of a parody culture by online users from the mid-2000s, and also examines aesthetical aspects of parodic artworks relying on amateurism culminated in 2004. Specifically, the current study questions an aesthetical lack shown in 'appropriation', by which most of the online users simply produce imitations of original image. This study rather notes 'photomontage' as an aesthetic prototype, the political aesthetics made by John Heartfield, through which this study intends to observe how his aesthetical legacy of political art could be realized in the contemporary form of political parodies produced by online users. The present paper concludes that online users' political participations in producing critical works of art could allow us to negate the dichotomy between the elite and the mass, professional artists and amateur parodists, and a radical politics and the politics of style.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.108-143
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• 2008

Candidate images refer to a holistic impression of a candidate which is composed of various dimensions of attributes. This study investigated how online and offline news media, campaign media such as political ads, televised debates, and candidate web-sites, and interpersonal political talk influenced voters' images of a candidate in such dimensions as personal traits, job-performance abilities, and policy capabilities, and further their political decision making in the 17th presidential election in Korea. The analysis focused on President Lee, Myung Bak who won the election by obtaining nearly 50% of the effective votes. According to the data analyses, first, uses of offline newspapers positively influenced voters' images of candidate Lee's personal traits such as his morality, integrity, trustworthiness, and compassion, yet online news uses had an opposite effect on voters' impression of his job-performance and economic policy capabilities. Secondly, among various campaign media, television ads and candidate web-sites positively contributed to the formation of candidate Lee's images, yet showed little direct effect on vote choice, indicating that campaign media mainly indirectly influenced voters' political decision making. Each of the first, second, and third televised candidate debates revealed unique effects on image formation and vote choice. Thirdly, the network size and frequency of political talk negatively influenced image formation regarding candidate Lee's personal traits and economic policy capabilities, yet the discussion network size positively contributed to the Lee votes. Forth, among various dimensions of candidate images, voters' perceptions of candidate Lee's personal traits appeared to be the most significant predictor of the support for him.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.115-159
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• 2018

This paper situates 63 provinces of Vietnam on a two-dimensional governance space, according to their levels of both economic and political governance, and systematically explains the two-dimensional distribution of provincial governance. It presents three sets of explanatory factors: the amount of foreign direct investment (FDI) that each province has attracted, the combination of provincial urbanization and population density, and the North Central Coast region factor. Provinces that score high in both economic and political governance tend to have received a good amount of FDI and to be highly urbanized and densely populated whereas provinces that score low in both governance dimensions tend to have the opposite characteristics. Provinces that are high in economic governance but low in political governance are those that have received the greatest amount of FDI and tend to be highly urbanized yet relatively sparsely populated. Provinces that are high in political governance but low in economic governance are characterized by a relatively small amount of FDI, low urbanization, and high population density. Finally, provinces in the North Central Coast region tend to score very high in political governance.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.29-34
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• 2014

This study aimed to clarify the relationship which exists between democracy and economic development within Sub-Saharan Africa. It strived to bring out a comprehensive analysis of the reasons why the pace of democratization is slow within this region and why until present date, there are just patches of real democracies there. The work also focuses on the reasons why despite democratic movements, economic growth rates have remained lagging behind average until of recent that, and some few countries have emerged to join the list of fastest growing economies in the world. The study further highlights the unique path of Sub-Saharan Africa democratization process should follow since it does not possess the various factors that favored the democratization processes of most developed countries. In order to obtain the objectives, previous studies and statistical data published by official institutes were analysed by using contents analysis methods. Lastly, it proceeds to explain the important role that democracy plays in inclusive economic growth.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.36-54
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• 2020

This study empirically analyzes the impact of digital divide between digital device usage motivation and operational skills on online political participation. The analysis was performed using the National Information Society Agency's 2018 digital divide survey data from September to December 2018 and applying the Heckman selection model to control the sample selection bias that may occur between internet users and non-users. The result shows the gap in motivation and device operational skills of individual citizens using digital devices has significant impact on online political participation. In socio-economic terms, it shows the age, education level and regional factors also have significant impact on online political participation, while gender and income levels do not. This study holds significance in that there are different patterns of digital divide between digital devices, identifying the motivation to use a digital device as an important factor for mobile device users, and the device operational skills, for personal computer users.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.800-823
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• 2004

This paper aims at examining the ways in which foreign immigrant workers in South Korea have been "forgotten" and "marginalized" in the regulatory politics of globalization and how the politics of "forgetting" has influenced the formation of immigrant local communities in South Korea. More specifically, by focusing on the immigrant community in Wongok dong, Ansan, it explores the forming questions. First, under what conditions has Wongok' dong become one of the biggest communities for foreign workers in South Korea? Second, how has the growth of the Wongok-dong immigrant community been influenced by the politics of "exclusion", and "inclusion" taking place at various geographical scales? Based on this case study, this paper suggests that the practices of "exclusion" and "forgetting" should not be seen as an inevitable outcome of globalization; instead, they need to be seen as an outcome of political processes, in which the practices of "exclusion" and "inclusion" are intertwined with one another through interactions and negotiations among different interests and ideas that take place in the multi-scalar regulatory processes, which contribute to the (material and discursive) construction of globalization.