• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.147-156
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is provide appropriate arms control measures between South and North Koreas by comparing and analyzing the former proposals and agreements in the past and the current Moon Government's approach representing the 9.19 military agreement. For this, I established the most appropriate framework for analysis through comparing and analyzing the arms control theories. The policies of the past governments and of the current Moon Jae-in government are analyzed. The most highlighted characteristic was that the arms control policies were projected by not from the military confidence, but political confidence building measures or both concurrently. In conclusion, I suggested the strategies of projecting confidence building measures and arms control or disarmament in the process of projecting the peace settlement. Nonetheless, the most important point is that the policies of arms control and unification should be pushed ahead complementally.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.1-28
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• 2007

Because the result of environmental pollution of one state is not limited to the national border but spills over into neighboring countries or global environment either directly or indirectly, international discussions on environment are crucial in domestic environmental law and policy. International environmental law demands differential obligation between developed and developing countries in the principle of 'common but differentiated responsibility'. The common but differentiated responsibility is the principle that draws distinction between developed and developing countries about global environmental issues, while recognizing the common responsibility of environmental protection for all nations. Environmental technology transfer or financial support from developed countries to developing countries, for example, has been discussed. The problem is the status of Korea. Korea's international environmental policy will be different by the distinction of responsibility for international environmental protection according to the status of developed and developing countries. International communities have never established a clear standard distinguishing developed from developing countries in any international laws. The WTO entrusts each country to decide whether it is a developing country or not. In the international environmental law, the status of a country is determined by the ability to negotiate. The status of Korea, thus, cannot be fixed in general international law. Rather, the Korean government is able to choose its own status strategically, It can be a policy choice to insist that Korea's developing country so as to reduce the burden of international responsibility. But, considering an economic indicator and environmental pollution indicator at which Korea ranks about 10th, the reality of Korea is much closer to a developed country. Positive policies such as development of environment-friendly technologies and products should be preferred to defensive assertion of developing country.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.105-124
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• 2018

This article analyzes individualization of family policies and gender division of unpaid work in Germany, Netherlands and South Korea. Measured in terms of women's employment promotion, the individualization at the policy level was greater in Korea than both Germany and Netherlands. However, married women's share of unpaid work was substantially larger in Korea than Germany and Netherlands. The strong unequal divison of unpaid work was also the case among working married women. Regression analysis showed that share of unpaid work in Korea was related to relative income in all three countries. But while gender ideology was positively related to married women's share of unpaid work in Germany and Netherlands, the relationship was not found in Korea. Gender of respondent was also an explanatory factor for all three countries. The influence of married women's relative income and gender ideology on share of unpaid work was similar to or larger than the effect of gender of respondents in Germany and Netherlands. By contrast, it was gender of respondent that mattered most for married women's share of unpaid work in Korea. Among working married women, we found that both relative income and gender ideology were related to differences in share of unpaid work in Germany and Netherlands which was either similar to or larger than the effect of gender of respondent. However, we found that gender of respondent mattered most in Korea.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.171-195
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• 2012

This paper is aimed to prepare some policy-measures which is helpful for China Money FDI in Korea by analysing FDI-related data and political strength and weakness between the two countries and studying fundamental preconditions required for Korea's China Money FDI strategies. As the result of research, key preconditions found out can be summarized as follows; First, because China-Korea economic relationship is largely insufficient in a complementary view as well as in a cooperative state level, Korea should remove the threats in advance that could lead two countries to unlimited competition, and then expand to a relationship of trust between China and Korea. Second, Korea, at least from the perspective of China, may not be an attractive investment destination. Therefore, it is necessary to take advantage of Korea's FTA-expansion-strategy opportunities such as Korea-US FTA which has entered into force recently. Third, because China always has a lot of alternative investment opportunities among world instead of Korea, so Korea should not overlook the fact that China has the bargaining power in large part related on the investment conditions in Korea, such as investment field, investment size, how to invest China Money to Korea, etc. Fourth, if Korea's FDI policy is trapped in the existing rules of the political frame, and moreover Korea can not have the role of rule breaker, it will be difficult to expect Korea's China Money FDI results compared to those efforts. Fifth, if Korea will execute China Money FDI strategies in the context of overestimating the China Power or China Money, it should be noted that Korea may have unexpected losses lead to a national by reason of outward and quantitative investment or bad investment.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
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• 2011.11a
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• pp.166-169
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• 2011

항만간 허브항 경쟁이 극심해 지고 있는 오늘날, 컨테이너 선사는 M&A 및 전략적 제휴로 컨테이너터미널 운영사와의 가격 협상력의 우월적 지위를 갖게 되어 컨테이너터미널 운영사간 선사 및 화물유치를 경쟁을 더욱 부추기고 있다. 그러나 수요측면에서 컨테이너물동량 증가율 둔화로 컨테이너터미널에서 처리해야 할 물동량은 한정되어 있는 반면, 공급 측면에서 항만터미널의 지속적인 건설은 항만간 또는 터미널간 물량 유치경쟁을 과열시키고 있다. 특히 부산항은 신항 개장이후 북항과 신항간 물동량 유치경쟁으로 인하여 항만하역시장의 교란을 가져오고 있다. 본 연구에서는 부산항 컨테이너 항만하역시장의 구조적 특성분석과 설문조사 방법론을 통하여 향후 부산항 항만하역시장의 안정화 방안을 제시하고자 한다. 시장구조 분석결과 부산항은 한정된 처리물량과 신항의 개장으로 인한 공급과잉, 그리고 정부의 지역항만개발정책에 따른 컨테이너화물의 분산처리로 지속적인 부산항의 비중 감소로 선석당 처리물량이 감소하고 있다. 이에 따라 선사의 우월적 지위를 이용한 하역료 인하요구로 터미널운영사간에 서비스경쟁이 아닌 비협력적인 가격경쟁으로 재정수지가 악화되고 있고, 또한 '10년 외국적선사의 처리물량이 60%를 차지하고 있어 국부유출이 심각한 실정이다. 따라서 하역시장 안정화 방안으로 항만시설 수요 및 공급의 불균형을 조정하기 위하여 항만풀링공동기금관리를 통한 재정수지를 확보할 수 있는 항만풀링제도를 제안하며, 이 제도의 운영을 위하여 한시적으로 컨테이너터미널 운영사별 처리물량 상한제를 도입하는 것이 바람직하다고 판단된다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.209-217
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• 2020

North Korea has steadily implemented defense reforms to strengthen its national defense capabilities, and in particular, has made military technology development and military industrial capability strengthening as the focus of national defense reform. North Korea's defense reform ultimately aimed at securing nuclear posture, and as technical achievements accumulated in the Kim Jung-Un era, it led to the development of military strength such as hydrogen bombs and ICBM/SLBM. Having secured nuclear capability, North Korea is also pursuing a symmetricality in the conventional military strength by securing a strategic advantage by pursuing the modernization of the conventional weapon systems through defense reform again. Up to now, North Korea's defense reform has succeeded in establishing a new ruling system for Kim Jung-Un and creating a driving force for negotiations with the United States.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.10
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• pp.128-139
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• 2010

Since the revised enforcement ordinance of the broadcasting legislation, Product Placement that was introduced in May, 2010 has expanded the stable income of broadcasting contents and broadcasting advertising industry, and improved the quality of the broadcasting contents and its service. However, as a result of Product Placement enforcement for the past 3 months, it reveals many problems, and is blamed for being unable to meet the intent of the law. Accordingly, Product Placement is not established properly. Thus, it is required to improve the detailed action plan for revitalization of Broadcasting Contents and Broadcasting Advertising Industry as originally intended. For example, the outsourcing production company involved in producing programs like dramas and the broadcaster have failed to reach negotiation on distributing proportion and it is keenly in need of its related study. This study is to cover the current status and the problems of introducing Product Placement, and is expected to provide the policy implications and the practical lessons. However, it displays limits that it ends in exploring and policy debate. It is henceforth expected to continue various studies of measuring the effectiveness, strategy, creative, and so forth based on discussion of introducing Product Placement.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.6 no.8
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• pp.1200-1205
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• 2002

Construction of Private networks is becoming easier due to the openness of telecommunication market, rapidly developing telecommunication technology. The size of existing private networks is becoming huge which resulted in surplus of capacity of the networks. These trends will generate a problem of efficient use of national telecommunication resources and which will be a factor for the structure of domestic telecommunication market which will have a big impact on the existing telecommunication carriers. Therefore, national policy of private network issues should be considered along with the national efforts for the information infrastructure, control of telecommunication market, fairness of competition, strength Power of national competition. In this paper it will be suggested that the efficient policy on the issue of domestic private network, by analyzing present situation, status quo, laws, regulation and procedure for domestic private networks and comparing it with those of U.S.A, Japan, EU.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2002.11a
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• pp.63-69
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• 2002

Construction of Private networks is becoming easier due to the openness of telecommunication market, rapidly developing telecommunication technology. The size of existing private networks is becoming huge which resulted in surplus of capacity of the networks. These trends will generate a problem of efficient use of "national telecommunication resources" and which ill be a factor for the structure of domestic telecommunication market which will have a big impact on the existing telecommunication carriers. Therefore, national policy of private network issues should be considered along with the national efforts for the information infrastructure, control of telecommunication market, fairness of competition, strength power of national competition. In this paper it will be suggested that the efficient policy on the issue of domestic private network, by analyzing present situation, status quo, laws, regulation and procedure for domestic private networks and comparing it with those of U.S.A, Japan, EU.apan, EU.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.95-118
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• 2015

The 2015 Agreement, an initial architect of the Post-2020 Regime, is expected to be adopted at the twenty-first session of the Conference of Parties to be held in Paris in 2015. We discussed key characteristics of the Post-2020 Regime and applications of differentiation which is most contentious issue in the Post-2020 negotiation. In the Post-2020 Regime, automatic ambition increases of Parties could be accomplished through applications of the circular nature of Intented Nationally Determined Contributions (INDC) as well as the progression of mitigation efforts. In terms of differentiation, it would be better to advocate a new method to applying differentiation in the Post-2020 Regime taking into account our own national circumstances. Specifically, promotion of self-differentiation which fits nearly with the philosophy of INDC could be an alternative. In order to promote self-differentiation, rules to apply self-differentiation needs to be devised, and the purpose of such rules should be the ambition increase.