• Journal of Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.349-355
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• 2022

In this study, we sought to identify a soil stabilizer that can be applied to paddy fields vulnerable to arsenic (As) pollution. To this end, we conducted a pot experiment in which we evaluated the effects of different stabilizers on the bioavailability of As in paddy soil. As candidate stabilizers, we assessed calcium superphosphate (CSP), sulfur, and steel slag, which were applied at the rates of 0.7 and 1.4, 0.1 and 0.2, and 7.0 and 14.0 Ma ha^-1, respectively. On day 67 after rice transplantation, we detected significantly lower concentrations of As in the solutions of paddy soil treated with 1.4 Ma ha^-1 CSP (96.9 ㎍ L^-1) and 0.2 Ma ha^-1 sulfur (207.2 ㎍ L^-1) compared with the As concentrations in control (314.5 ㎍ L^-1) and steel slag-treated (268.6-342.4 ㎍ L^-1) soil. Compared with the As concentrations in control brown rice (0.16 mg kg^-1), concentrations in brown rice were lowest in the pots treated with 1.4 Ma ha^-1 CSP (0.09 mg kg^-1). Furthermore, in response to CSP treatments, we detected increases in the weight of rice grains (50.0-50.4 g/pot) compared with the control (40.4 g/pot) and other treatments (26.9-48.1 g/pot), which we speculate could be attributed to the reduction in As toxicity to rice owing to a decline in soil solution As contents and the fertilization effect of the CSP treatment. Collectively, our findings indicate a high-level application of CSP (1.4 Ma ha^-1) to paddy soil has a comparatively beneficial effect in mitigating the bioavailability of As.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.357-380
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• 2021

Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a book that summarizes only the important contents from the Akjang 樂章. Akjang 樂章 is arranged in the first half, and score 樂譜 is arranged in the second half. It seems that Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 passed through a total of four stages through the time when the handwriting and the lyrics were written. The presence of various handwriting and traces of modifications means that it has been passed through by several people, so it is not unrelated to the fact that several traces remain on the back of the cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』. The first part of the Akjang 樂章 is a method of presenting the name and lyrics of the accompanying music based on the ritual procedure, and in particular, the lyrics are written in Chinese characters and Hangeul sounds to improve readability. The score in the second half complies with the ritual procedures, but boldly omits overlapping melodies, and is composed based on the music, and various symbols are used to capture the expression of court music. This structure is a reflection of the direction we practiced to harmonize with the music after prior ritual procedures and diction. This was a device to increase the efficiency of music education and music practice for the court musician. The characteristics of the musical pieces are that they consist of essential musical pieces that must be mastered as musicians. In addition, the name Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 is noted on the back cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』, and he was a court musician who was active in the age of King Sunjo 純祖. In other words, the musical pieces included in Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 are the core repertoire played by court musicians like Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a 'music practice booklet' containing the daily life of court musicians. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a booklet designed for the purpose of teaching the court musicians to sing while correctly pronouncing the lyrics in major ceremonies. It is even more noteworthy in that Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 was an owner. In addition to the fact that Kim Hyung-sik's name remains, and in the practicality of being used by various court musicians reflecting and modifying the changes of the times, it is meaningful in that it contains the path of court musicians who spent a lot of time and time to transmit court music.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.247-275
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• 2019

We hope that more diverse interests will arise in the novels by Park Gye-hyeong By looking at writers and works in time, we identified the key element of Park Gye-hyeong's novels as 'romantic'. Romantic nature of this time is lyrical, sentimental, spiritual, unrealistic and idealistic. Based on a romantic understanding of the world, the core sanction of the novel is love, focusing on feelings of sadness, and on the aspects of joy, separation, and pain that arise from loving relationships rather than the aspects of joy. Based on the feelings of grief, the novels end with failure, death and betrayal, thus embodying tragic romanticism. Before her marriage, Park Gye-hyeong's novels were love stories that revealed her longing for beautiful love based on sensibility. The idyllic world and longing for nature reveal a romantic world-view. Ultimately, it is a fictional worldview that the author seeks to despair and long for, and to find the sincerity and morality of love in an environment that does not. Park Gye-hyeong, who became a housewife, expressed that she wanted to write a piece that can give readers a sense of nostalgia by embodying "romance at a high level," not "sentimental." In subsequent works, physical relationships are treated as failures of love and spiritual relationships as the fruit of love, revealing the lofty spirituality, idealistic longing and religious nature of love. Park Gye-hyeong confessed her shame about her previous work when she published a new one after more than two decades of writing. And after more than two decades of reflection, her new novel had a new theme of "recovering destroyed humanity." However, the search for "humanity" in the two novels released after the write-off tends to be somewhat hasty at the end of the novel. The question of human nature, sin and forgiveness, is the next best thing to save as a way of life, rather than as a result of the intense inner agony and behavior of the characters within the narrative, and this also shows a sudden shift in religiousness at the end of the novel. Therefore, the romantic meaning of the superficial is superficial.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.96-116
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• 2022

The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.115-143
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to analyze contents and process of rites about sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums in early Joseon Dynasty, and to conclude, to review the position of Royal Mausoleums in the whole National Rites System. The sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums started from building Royal Mausoleums of 8 persons-ancestors since King T'aejo's great-great-grandparents, in 1392, founding Joseon Dynasty. In 1408, King T'aejo had died and his Kŏnwŏnnŭng (健元陵) was builted in Yangju, Gyeonggi-do. Since then, after kings of many generations died, each of Royal Mausoleums was builted solemnlly. In the process of this, sacrificial rituals modified and supplemented, especially during the reign of king Sejong(1418~1450). After all, the sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums was settled in KukchoOryeūi(國朝五禮儀, Five State Rites) compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong. In process of Institutionalization of sacrificial rituals, the argument between king and vassals about four-seasons' ancestral rites was properly or not was occurred. That was because the memorial times of Royal Mausoleums overlaped Chongmyo's and more important Chongmyo's ancestral rites was neglected. But four-seasons' ancestral rites of Royal Mausoleums was continued until 17th century. Sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums as royal personal rites had simple processes compared to sacrificial rites of Chongmyo, upper-graded formal ancestral rites, under National Rites system. Justifying to served his parents with devotion, the kings in early Joseon Dynasty went to Royal Mausoleums 2-3 times annually. During coming and going, he show off his presence as king in power to his subjects through magnificent guard of honor. On the one hand, he met his subjects directly and acceded to various petition. Above all things, The kings in early Joseon Dynasty emphasized his military power through military training, namely, hunting, disposition of troops, and so on.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.346-358
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• 2023

Due to the acceleration of climate change or global warming, it is important to predict rice productivity in the future and investigate physiological changes in rice plants. The research aimed to explore how rice adapts to climate change by examining the response of nitrogen absorption and nitrogen use efficiency in rice under elevated levels of carbon dioxide and temperature, utilizing the SPAR system for analysis. The temperature increased by +4.7 ℃ in comparison to the period from 2001 to 2010, while the carbon dioxide concentration was held steady at 800 ppm, aligning with South Korea's late 21st-century RCP8.5 scenario. Nitrogen was applied as fertilizer at rates of 0, 9, and 18 kg 10a^-1, respectively. Under conditions of climate change, there was an 81% increase in the number of panicles compared to the present situation. However, grain weight decreased by 38% as a result of reduction in the grain filling rate. BNUE, indicative of the nitrogen use efficiency in plant biomass, exhibited a high value under climate change conditions. However, both NUEg and ANUE, associated with grain production, experienced a notable and significant decrease. In comparison to the current conditions, nitrogen uptake in leaves and stems increased by 100% and 151%, respectively. However, there was a 25% decrease in nitrogen uptake in the panicle. Likewise, the nitrogen content and NDFF (Nitrogen Derived from Fertilizer) in the sink organs, namely leaves and roots, were elevated in comparison to current levels. Therefore, it is imperative to ensure resources by mitigating the decrease in ripening rates under climate change conditions. Moreover, there seems to be a requirement for follow-up research to enhance the flow of photosynthetic products under climate change conditions.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.133-150
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to develop a female entrepreneurial competency model. For the purpose, two Focus Group Interviews (FGI) were conducted with seven outstanding female entrepreneurs, and three expert reviews were conducted. In addition, in order to verify the validity of the provisional female entrepreneur competency model derived from the FGI and competency modeling expert review, the female entrepreneur competency model was finally confirmed through a survey of 442 female entrepreneurs. The results were as follows. First, a female entrepreneur competency model consisting of 6 competency groups and 25 competencies of entrepreneurship, emotion, business management, relationship management, strategic management, and multitasking, and 75 behavioral indicators describing each competency was developed. Second, sensibility and multitasking are competencies that reflect the characteristics of female entrepreneurs. In particular, 'social sense', which is the ability to be considerate of others in the emotional competency group and the ability to respond well to subtle nuances, and the multitasking competency group's unique strengths are women's ability to perform various tasks at the same time. The 'work-family control ability' of a female entrepreneur who maintains a balance between 'multi-tasking' and work and family is a representative competency of only female entrepreneurs. Third, the developed female entrepreneurship competency model is meaningful in that it not only increases female entrepreneurial competency so that prospective female entrepreneurs can successfully run a business through entrepreneurship education, but it also makes it easy for existing female entrepreneurs to reflect and improve their competencies. If we provide appropriate training programs to female entrepreneurs based on their competency, it will be possible to effectively enhance the entrepreneurial competency, which is the key to strengthening the competitiveness of female entrepreneurs. The female entrepreneur competency model developed through this study can provide a basis for future research on competency diagnosis and education needs analysis.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.105-118
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• 2000

Anchored measurements (12.5 hr) of suspended sediment concentration and other hydrodynamic parameters were carried out at two stations located at the entrance to Hampyung Bay in summer (August 1999). Tidal variations in water temperature and salinity were in the range of 26.0-27.9$^{\circ}C$ and 30.9-31.5, respectively, indicating exchange offshore and offshore water mass. Active tidal mixing processes at the entrance appear to destroy the otherwise vertical stratification in temperature and salinity in spite of strong solar heating in summer. On the contrary, suspended sediment concentrations show a marked stratification with increasing concentrations toward bottom layer. Clastic particles in suspended sediments consist mostly of very fine to fine silt (4-16 ${\mu}$m) with a poorly-sorted value of 14.7-25.9 ${\mu}$m. However, at slack time with less turbulent energy, flocs larger than 40 ${\mu}$m are formed by cohesion and inter-collision of particles, resulting in a higher settling velocity. Strong ebb-dominated and weak flood dominated tidal currents, in the southwestern and the northeastern part, respectively, result in a seaward residual flow of -10${\sim}$-20 cm $s^{-1}$ at station H1 and a bayward residual flow less than 5.0 cm $s^{-1}$ at station H2. However, mean concentration of suspended sediments at station H1 is higher at flood (95.0-144.1 mg $1^{-1}$) than in ebb (75.8-120.9 mg $1^{-1}$). On the contrary, at the station H2, the trend is reversed with higher concentration at the ebb (84.7-158.4 mg $1^{-1}$) than that at the flood (53.0-107.9 mg $1^{-1}$). As a result, seaward net suspended sediment fluxes ($f_{s}$) are calculated to be -1.7 ${\sim}$-$15.610^{3}$ kg $m^{-2}$ $s^{-1}$ through the whole water column. However, the stations H1 and H2 show definitely different values of the flux with higher ones in the former than in the latter. Alternatively, depth-integrated net suspended sediment loads ($\c{Q}_{s}$) for one tidal cycle are also toward the offshore with ranges of 0.37${\times}$$10^{3}$ kg $m^{-1}$ and 0.21${\times}$$10^{3}$ kg $m^{-1}$, at station H1 and H2, respectively. This seaward transport of suspended sediment in summer suggests that summer-time erosion in the Hampyung muddy tidal flats is a rather exceptional phenomenon compared to the general deposition reported for many other tidal flats on the west coast of Korea.