• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.266
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• pp.24-25
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• 1999

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.309
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• pp.35-38
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• 2001

• Korean Medical Education Review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.72-73
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• 2022

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.125-153
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• 2014

이 글은 다산 정약용의 "중용자잠"과 "중용강의"를 주자의 "중용장구" 및 "중용혹문"과 비교 고찰함으로써, 다산의 "중용"의 해석에 나타난 경학적 특징을 드러내는 것을 목적으로 한다. 다산의 "중용"해석을 살펴보려는 우리는 우선 "중용"에 대한 다산의 분장절(分章節), 그리고 "중용"이란 책의 성격을 규정하는 데에서 출발하였다. 주자는 "중용"을 이학(理學)의 관점에서 이해하였지만, 다산은 천명(天命)으로 일관된 책으로 규정하면서 '소사상제지학(昭事上帝之學)'으로 규정하고 있다. II장에서는 '중용(中庸)'을 어떻게 규정하고 있는지를 살펴보았다. 주자는 '중(中)'을 불편불의무과불급지명(不偏不倚無過不及之名)으로 규정하고, 용(庸)은 평상(平常)이라고 정의했다. 이에 대해 다산은 중용(中庸)의 연원에 천착하면서, 중(中)에 대한 주자의 정의는 수용하지만, 용(庸)에 대한 해석에는 반대의 입장을 표명하면서 용(庸)이란 경상(經常) 혹은 항상(恒常)으로 해석해야 한다고 주장한다. III장에서는 주자와 다산의 "중용" 해석에서 가장 큰 대비 점을 이루는 구절을 살펴보았다. 그것은 곧 수장(首章)의 구절에서 "군자(君子) 계신호기소불도(戒愼乎其所不睹) 공구호기소불문(恐懼乎其所不聞)"에서 '불도불문(不睹不聞)', "막견호은(莫見乎隱) 막현호미(幕顯乎微)"에서 '은미(隱微)와 신독(愼獨), 그리고 "희노애락지미발(喜怒哀樂之未發) 위지중(謂之中) 발이개중절(發而皆中節) 위지화(謂之和)"에서 '미발(未發)'이라는 구절을 어떻게 해석할 것인가와 연관된다. 여기서 주자는 이학(理學)의 관점에 입각한 해석을 제시했으며, 다산은 상제학(上帝學)의 관점에서 실천지향적 해석을 제시함을 고찰하였다. 주자는 성정(性情)의 체용론의 관점에서 이 구절을 해석했지만, 다산은 모두 상제(上帝)의 조임(照臨)을 자각한 신독군자의 계신공구(戒愼恐懼)로 해석함을 살펴보았다.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2016

This study analyzes the contents and expression methods of Jeong Yag-yong's "Gugo Wonlyu". The 530-page long "Gugo Wonlyu" discusses 1541 formulas about Gu, Go, Hyun, Hwa, Gyo; however, it has only the results of formulas and no explanations about their inducement method. Therefore we do not know how he derives and verifies the formulas. In addition, it did not follow the basic form of oriental mathematics textbooks: problem-answer-solution, and presented all the formulas only with characters without using numbers. This is a very distinctive aspect compared to other mathematical textbooks. In addition, the formulas about 5-Hwa and 5-Gyo are addressed exactly in fixed order and covers a formula in various directions. This is a clear evidence that Jeong Yag-yong analyzed and studied the Gugosul thoroughly.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.97-108
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• 2019

This paper is an outgrowth of a study on recent papers and presentations of Hong Sung Sa, Hong Young Hee and/or Lee Seung On on Gugo Wonlyu which is believed to be written by the famous Joseon scholar Jeong Yag-yong. Most of what is discussed here is already explained in these papers and presentations but due to brevity of the papers it is not understood by most of us. Here we present them in more explicit and mathematical ways which, we hope, will make them more accessible to those who have little background in history of classical Joseon mathematics. We also explain them using elementary projective geometry which allow us to visualize Pythagorean polynomials geometrically.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.281-287
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• 2020

Dasan(茶山) Jeong Yak-yong wrote many works in various fields. His ideas and philosophy formed a mountain range. First, his aesthetic ideas improved from Dam(淡) to Dam(澹;light), and further to Dam (膽;courage). Because Dasan had the courage to make changes, this was possible. Second, Dasan has the aesthetic idea of Yun(韻). This can be seen in his life pursuing the quaint. Because Dasan was unable to participate in reality due to exile, so he was able to create our culture through many writings. First, Un-Rim-San-Bang(雲林山房) in Sochi Heoyu is the origin of our Namjong Literary Painting, and its origin is Dasan. Second, Dasan pursued Silhak(實學), and applies it to reality. It is Silsagusi(實事求是). Thirdly, Dasan pursued Enjoying Together with People(與民同樂). Aesthetics ideas of Dasan showed the Korean characteristics.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.199-222
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• 2014

This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.171-188
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• 2005

Da-san Jeong Yak-yong(정약용) was one of the notable realist in the late 18th century, the second half of Chosun Dynasty. He accentuate the need of national riches and stabilization of the public welfare through his reformat proposal on actual condition. He regarded geography as the necessary knowledge to achieve the national riches and stabilization of the people's livelihood. We can read the contents on agricultural policy and encouragement of farming in Mokminsimseo(목민심서). In Mokminsimseo(목민심서), as coverage on economic geography, he present various policy of encouragement of agriculture as device of agricultural promotion and urges governors initiative on this. On policy of encouragement of agriculture, he insisted that the farmers have side job like horticulture, sericulture and live-stock farming far their rural economy. In sum, Da-san Jeong Yak-yong regarded economic geography as a important subject under realism which aims at improving and reforming contemporary world against 주자학 oriented Confucian classics.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.289-310
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• 2012

The present study analyzes the content of "Suojaegi (The Account of the Suo Residence)," an essay written by the Joseon-dynasty scholar Jeong Yak-yong (丁若鏞, 1762-1836). The study identifies the work's characteristic features and significance, seeking to develop a methodology to use this essay to teach students how to write. In terms of its content, the author of "Suojaegi" asserts what it means to "protect one's self-integrity" as the word "Suo" means in the title of the residence where the author's brother Jeong Yak-hyeon(丁若鉉) lived. According to the author, his elder brother could keep on living in his house, without being sent to exile in the political turmoils, because he preserved his sense of self and adhered to his principles. The originality of the essay is attributed to the use of gi (記), a genre of writing in classical Chinese that can be translated as "record," or "account," to express his thoughts in a place of exile in the form of a dialogue with his own self. Lastly, this self-reflective essay can be served as a guide for teaching students to make their own pen names, and to write a letter of self-introduction.