• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.37-66
• /
• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.3
• /
• pp.35-68
• /
• 2021

In the German federal election in 2021, the Social Democrats returned to power by a narrow margin and the Green Party emerged as the biggest winner. The two political parties took the lead by proposing policies that met the expectations of the people in the policies of climate and environment, pandemic response and health, and labor and social security. The Merkel effect did not play a significant role in the election, and it is highly likely that it will lead to government policy after the formation of a coalition. While the class cleavage in voting behavior has weakened, the generational cleavage has grown relatively large. Older people showed more support for the two major parties, while younger people showed higher support for the Green Party and the FDP. If the generational cleavage continues, it can be linked to the growth of the Green Party and the FDP, the continued weakening of the two major parties and the emergence of other new parties. In addition, the regional cleavage between the former East and West Germany still remain, which will affect the direction of the AfD and the Left and combine with other political cleavages. The 2021 German federal election can be said to be an election that heralds the realignment of the political party system.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
• /
• 2011.05a
• /
• pp.169-170
• /
• 2011

종교의 문제는 단순한 개인의 종교 문제를 넘어 사회 분열과 통합, 갈등의 문제로 진화되었다. 역사상 종교의 힘은 한 사회를 통합시킬 수도 있고, 반대로 한 사회를 해체할 수도 분열시킬 수도 있는 막강한 힘을 지니고 있다는 것을 보여주고 있다. 세계 곳곳에서 발생하는 테러의 원인 중의 하나 종교문제이다. 이제 한국사회도 다종교사회로 이미 진입했고, 많은 종교단체 같은 종교 내에서도 종파와 종단이 수 십 수백으로 공존하고 있다. 종교간 갈등과 같은 종교내 종단(宗團)안에서 갈등과 대립현상이 분출되고 있다. 종교계의 정치관여 또는 참여 문제와 관련하여 종교계가 본격적인 정당창당이나 정당과의 연합을 통해 정치세력화 할 경우, 이 문제를 우리 사회가 어떻게 할 것인가도 진지하게 논의할 문제이다.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.9-29
• /
• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.48 no.5
• /
• pp.686-708
• /
• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.23 no.3
• /
• pp.217-256
• /
• 2013

This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.201-212
• /
• 2011

This study is to carry out meta-analysis on doctoral dissertations which had been written after 2004 when the empirical analysis about digital politics had begun. This study aims to identify tendency of recent analysis. For this purpose, it classifies the research trends of digital politics as political participation, political process, political advertising and election campaigns, and examines the researcher's definition, framework of empirical analysis, and all the results. Moreover, the study systematically summarizes the research model, analysis unit, concept and its components in order to ensure availablity so that the information could be available for the further research.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.177-187
• /
• 2011

Along with recent rapid growth in social media and mobile media in the web 2.0 flow, represented as openness, participation, and sharing, general and various changes are essential not only in economical, social, and cultural aspects, but also in politics. Korea is finding its position in leading the upcoming social media market based upon the past IT technologies. In the past years, the people of Korea have drawn attention in the international society as early adopters in new IT products. In the current dynamic varying social media environment, the politics must put efforts to utilize a method emphasing on communication with the people. Efforts to change are essential to modify the vision of organization as smart citizens party and implement the social media strategy. In this study, we investigate and suggest methods to change in the social media environment maintaining close relation with the people in order to unite with them. Our reports will help to revisit the existing government/party operation and to rethink about the efficient operating strategy suitable for social media environment.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.5-36
• /
• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.39-63
• /
• 2009

Retrospecting the past 60 years of interactions between the executive and the legislature in Korea, it is found that the Korean National Assembly is neither a minimal legislature nor a marginal legislature any more. The symbolic role of the Assembly has acquired a remarkable growth and profound strength and there is no need to worry about institutional viability any further. However, its role as a resolver or manager of social conflicts is still under the dominance of the executive and shows even an indication that it might be worsened. Such incapability of the legislature owed much to the vertical control from the outside especially during the authoritarian regimes, however, nowadays it owes much to the inability of consensus building among the out-bursting controversial and horizontal opinions inside of it. Not sufficient managerial capability required for exercising autonomous decision making power efficiently is a major detrimental factor. It traces back to the inability of party politics and demassifying political leadership. Normalization of party politics is identified as one of the essential prerequisites for Korean political development in this regard.